This article intends to analyze the implications of a hypothesis that extends Foucault's analysis of neoliberalism from its effects on modern democracy. For this purpose, Wendy Brown's recent work examines how neoliberal rationality affects democracy, transforms its imaginary and even its main subject, namely the demos. Brown points to two problems of the "neoliberalism's stealth revolution," namely that the neoliberal rationality transforms and undoes democracy by directly affecting its fundamental principle of popular sovereignty. Such transformation is made from the change (...) produced in the democratic imaginary and, mainly, from the transformation of the economic subject from a subject of interest to human capital, as well as the political subject, relegated to the background. From this first problem, we examine how they happen and what are the consequences of changing the democratic imaginary and its central political subject. The second problem pointed out by Brown deals with the interference of neoliberal reason in sovereign autonomy. The second part of this article seeks, therefore, to analyze the relationship between the sovereignty of the nation-state and the notion of popular sovereignty from the problem of the expansion of capital and the vulnerability of the frontiers and territory where citizenship is exercised. (shrink)

The dilemma of the anthropos confuses him as to the advantage of the market to his existence. The market anthropos is seen as homo economicus, a self-interested, utility-maximizing individual. This popular belief is critically analyzed as to its nuances insofar as the homo politicus of John Rawls is concerned. The life of the market anthropos seeks consensus towards societal cooperation and justice. Popularly held to be dissenting, this paper seeks to explore their possible convergence in the light (...) of the nuances predicated by Adam Smith and Rawls. Ultimately, it is argued that the anthropos in either startum of politics or market is not differentiated but is one and the same, contextually apart but anthropologically integrated. The cooperative homo politicus can also be a cooperative homo econonomicus just as both can be selfishly motivated and utilitarianist. (shrink)

WHEN NIETZSCHE CALLED MAN THE YET UNFINISHED ANIMAL, he echoed a phrase that had remote origins. In classical German philosophy, the idea of man as a Mängelwesen, a lacking and underdetermined being, was shared by Herder, Kant, and even Hegel and Marx, among others. It was brought to clear expression by Schiller when he wrote: “With the animal and plant, Nature did not only specify their dispositions but she also carried these out herself. With man, however, she merely provided the (...) disposition and left its execution up to him.” What distinguishes man from animals, according to these thinkers, is the unfinished character of the gifts he is endowed with by nature; at the same time, this underdetermined quality is responsible for human openness and adaptability. To play on the myth of the birth of eros in the Symposium, one could say that for man poverty is resourcefulness. (shrink)

This article explores Richard Rorty’s status in academic political theory in the decades after his conscious departure from disciplinary philosophy. Rorty found a receptive audience in this pluralistic field, and he became a point of orientation in a number of ongoing, research-agenda driving conversations, if often as an extreme example against which interlocutors could define themselves. In like fashion, Rorty refined his own self-conception as a patriotic liberal ironist in the course of his political theoretical engagements. I offer a sketch (...) of political theory’s landscape as a contrast to the reductivism and esotericism Rorty criticized in disciplinary philosophy, and survey his presence in the field over the years substantively, qualitatively, and quantitatively. (shrink)

O ensaio, em jeito de crítica/crítica, procura olhar para a Universidade na sua dimensão político-organizacional. Através de uma reflexão interpretativa, apoiada na constatação empírica e na literatura - uma metodologia que sai dos cânones de uma metodologia científica de investigação - tenta “escavar” a Universidade e mostrar dois tipos de homo-politicus que nela existem: o “homo-violentus” (o homem - “violento”) e o “homo-sabius” (o homem - “sábio”). Estes dois tipos de homos (por certo, existem outros tipos) (...) então “encarnados” nos decisores, gestores, professores, investigadores, estudantes etc. Destes dois tipos de homos vamos ter formas de intervenção política, cultural, científico/investigativa, educativo/pedagógico e humana diferenciadas - nas expressões informação, conhecimento, sabedoria - e, com elas, consequentes implicações na missão da própria Universidade. Palavras–Chave: Universidade; Política; Investigação; Pedagogia. The University and the “homo sabius”. Criticism / Criticism Abstract: The essay, in the form of criticism/criticism, seeks to look at the University in its political-organizational dimension. Through an interpretative reflection, supported by empirical evidence and literature - a methodology that departs from the canons of a scientific research methodology - it tries to "dig" the University and show two types of homo-politicus that exist in it: the "homo-violentus ” (man - “violent”) and “homo-sabius” (man - “wise”). These two types of homos (of course, there are other types) then “incarnated” in decision-makers, managers, teachers, researchers, students, etc. From these two types of homos we will have differentiated forms of political, cultural, scientific/investigative, educational/pedagogical and human intervention - in terms of information, knowledge, wisdom - and, with them, consequent implications for the mission of the University itself. Key Words: University; Policy; Investigation; Pedagogy. La Universidad y el “homo sabius”. Crítica / Crítica Resumen: El ensayo, en forma de crítica/crítica, busca mirar a la Universidad en su dimensión político-organizativa. A través de una reflexión interpretativa, apoyada en la evidencia empírica y la literatura -metodología que se aparta de los cánones de una metodología de investigación científica- se intenta “cavar” en la Universidad y mostrar dos tipos de homo-políticos que existen en ella: el “homo-político”. violento” (hombre - “violento”) y “homo-sabius” (hombre - “sabio”). Estos dos tipos de homos (claro que hay otros tipos) luego se “encarnan” en decisores, directivos, docentes, investigadores, estudiantes, etc. De estos dos tipos de homos tendremos formas diferenciadas de intervención política, cultural, científico/investigadora, educativa/pedagógica y humana -en términos de información, conocimiento, sabiduría- y, con ellas, las consecuentes implicaciones para la propia misión de la Universidad.. Palabras Clave: Universidad; Política; Investigación; Pedagogía. Data de registro: 26/04/2022 Data de aceite: 26/10/2022. (shrink)

La nota ofrece algunas precisiones sobre el Catálogo de la Biblioteca de Tschirnhaus, impreso en 1723 y publicado en un número anterior de esta revista, a partir de la comparación con el Catálogo manuscrito de la misma, levantado en 1709, pocos meses después de la muerte de Tschirnhaus. El Catálogo manuscrito tampoco registra la presencia de las _Opera_ de Spinoza. Sin embargo, la presencia en este Catálogo de una obra, también ausente del Catálogo impreso (el infamado _Homo politicus, hoc (...) est: Consiliarus novus, officiarius et aulicus, secundum hodiernam Praxin_, escrito por Philipp Andreas Oldenburger, un autor criticado por Spinoza y su círculo y sobre el cual Pieter Van Gent había escrito a Tschirnhaus remitiendo a las _Opera posthuma_ de Spinoza), permite acreditar la hipótesis más plausible de que el volumen de las _Opera _de Spinoza, así como del _Homo politicus_, desaparecieran de la biblioteca y no fueran recogidos en el Catálogo por su carácter de obras 'infames'. (shrink)

EVERY MODERN THEORY OF homo politicus presumes a theory of homo religiosus. This is a historical observation, not a theological one. Modern political philosophy began in a self-conscious response to the crisis of theological and political authority in Europe, and this response in turn transformed many aspects of our political experience which modern philosophy then had to take into account. Modern political philosophy is not religious today, nor is it exclusively or even primarily concerned with the social (...) effects of religion. Religion, however, is its original problematic. (shrink)

Biopolitics, originally interpreted as the subfield of political science focusing on biological (evolutionary) factors involved in political behavior, has faced conceptual and organizational differences during the forty-year period of its development. It has recently been redefined as the totality of all applications of biology to social and political concepts, problems and practical issues and concerns. In these new terms, biopolitics represents a promising interdisciplinary area of research, whose potential with respect to political philosophy and political science is exemplified by its (...) application to the following issues: (i) Collective violence (war, terrorism, etc.); (ii) Ethnocentrism; (iii) Hierarchies and networks: and (iv) Neurochemical factors of social behavior. The prerequisite for the successof biopolitics is its collaboration with the humanities and social sciences in investigating the multi-level “Homo politicus”. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to focus specifically on the description of the homo politicus as a sovereign individual who governs itself. Searching to understanding of neoliberalism as a governing rationality through which everything becomes economized.

_Purpose._ The study aims to substantiate philosophical anthropology as a space for the development of biopolitics, which is a relatively new synthetic scientific knowledge of the political in the biological and the biological in the political, which, however, has its roots in the era of antiquity. The analysis of biopolitics in the context of contemporary global challenges, in particular the COVID-19 pandemic, is carried out, which allows to actualize a new direction of biopolitics – microbiopolitics. _Theoretical basis._ The study is (...) based on an understanding of the initial, in relation to biopolitics, the nature of philosophical anthropology. While philosophical anthropology seeks an answer to the question – who is _Homo sapiens_, given the biosocial nature of man, biopolitics specifies the question in the form – who is _homo politicus_ in modern socio-political space with a focus on the imperative of a human-centred approach in the social sciences. The study is based on scientific works by specialists in philosophical anthropology and biopolitics. _Originality._ The authors substantiate the expediency and relevance of considering philosophical anthropology as a contextual space for the evolution of biopolitical knowledge from the natural philosophy of Antiquity to modern microbiopolitics. _Conclusions._ Philosophical anthropology is seen as a specific epistemological landscape in which fields of scientific knowledge are formed and developed that are in one way or another involved in the philosophical problems of man: philosophical psychology, social anthropology, philosophy of medicine, humanology, philosophy of education, ethics, as well as biophilosophy, bioethics, and, in particular, biopolitics. (shrink)

On the 24th June 2015, Feminist Legal Studies and the London School of Economics Law Department hosted an afternoon event with Professor Wendy Brown, Class of 1936 First Professor of Political Science, University of California. Professor Brown kindly agreed to discuss her scholarship on feminist theory, and its relationship to both the law and neoliberalism. The event included an interview by Dr Katie Cruz and a Q&A session, which are presented here in an edited version of the transcript. Sumi Madhock, (...) Professor of Gender Studies, LSE chaired the interview and discussion and introduced Professor Brown’s work. Katie Cruz asked Wendy Brown to reflect upon topics that span her scholarship and activism, including the state of critical, feminist, and Left approaches to rights, neoliberalism, despair and utopianism, and the future of feminist theory and practice in the context of neoliberalism and current debates about intersectionality. Participants in the discussion asked questions on a wide range of issues, including the limits of feminist engagement with law as a tool for social change, the dominance of neoliberalism, imperialist feminism, Islamophobia, secularism, and our attachment to the figure of homo politicus. (shrink)

Hat Thomas Hobbes gegen Ende seines Pariser Exils mit "Elements", "Rudiments" und "Leviathan" nur verschiedene englische Versionen seiner Politischen Philosophie für unterschiedliche Adressaten veröffentlicht? Eine derartige Erklärung von Hobbes' publizistischer 'broadside on England' scheitert jedoch bereits an der Tatsache, daß die Wiederveröffentlichung der beiden älteren Schriften ohne Hobbes' Wissen oder gar Zutun geschah: Es waren royalistische Raubdrucke. Hobbes' endgültige Darstellung der politischen Philosophie - so zeigt allein schon das biographische Material - ist der "Leviathan" von 1651. Diese Neufassung der 'politics (...) in English' wurde nicht im Jahre 1650 allein deshalb notwendig, weil Hobbes unter dem Einfluß seiner Pariser Freunde zu Beginn der 40er Jahre eine Präzisierung seiner allgemeinen Philosophiekonzeption vorgenommen hatte. Nach 1646 hat Hobbes auch die Grundlagen seiner Rechtstheorie korrigiert: Während noch "De Cive" seine Zugehörigkeit zur Tradition des stoisch-christlichen Naturrechts nicht verleugnen kann, liegt mit dem "Leviathan" hingegen eine epikureisch geprägte Rechtstheorie vor, die zwar gleichermaßen an den begrifflichen Vorgaben des überlieferten Naturrechts weitgehend festhält, die theistische Grundlegung jedoch erstmalig konsequent durch eine sprachphilosophische ersetzt. Hobbes' "Leviathan" ist weder ein Traktat über den modernen homo politicus in der Tradition Machiavellis, noch ist er ein früher Beitrag zur Gesellschaftstheorie des homo oeconomicus. Er ist vielmehr ein rechtsphilosophisches Werk im klassischen Sinne, das von jenen Prinzipien handelt, die sich die Menschen zu eigen machen müssen, bevor sie sich mit ihresgleichen über das Gerechte und Ungerechte verständigen können. (shrink)

This essay examines the cultural politics of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in China through the lens of postsocialism, proposing the concept of a ‘postsocialist AI’ that goes beyond the dominant paradigm of neoliberal informationalism. The essay first explores the distinct state-capital nexus in China’s AI development, characterized by paradoxical modes of operation driven by neoliberal motivations, yet also deeply influenced by symbolic lexicons, value systems, and institutional structures rooted in Leninist-Maoist traditions. The complex interplay of state support, local governmental practices, and (...) market investment showcases ongoing negotiations among contradictory political-economic objectives and subject positions that resist simplification into a globally universalized model of neoliberal capitalism. Further, the essay investigates the ontogenesis or sociogenesis of machine learning – the process through which intelligent machines become socialized through interactions with their sociocultural and political contexts. By foregrounding the interactive encounter between distinct modes of machinic intelligence and Chinese modernity experiences, the essay contests the prevailing neoliberal subjectivity in AI studies and seeks to expand the political horizon limited by the hegemonic figure of homo economicus. (shrink)

L’homme antique reste souvent identifié à la figure de l’homo politicus, et plus précisément à celle du « citoyen ». Mais que désigne ce terme, transmis jusqu’à nous comme si sa signification n’avait pas changé? Les neuf textes réunis dans ce volume, issus de deux journées d’études qui se sont déroulées à Trente en 2017, montrent, par le biais de comparaisons entre anciens et modernes, comment le vocable unique de « citoyenneté », loin de toute essence éternelle, recouvre (...) des constructions h... (shrink)

La democracia clásica ateniense constituye para la teoría política de Occidente el primer ejemplo donde se desarrolla plenamente lo que Max Weber denominó homo politicus. La constitución de esta ciudad-estado fue conformándose sobre la base del principio político de isonomía, sinónimo de democracia. Todas las instituciones políticas de la democracia ateniense estaban ocupadas por ciudadanos. Las diferentes magistraturas, el Consejo —Bulé—, la Asamblea —Ekklesía— y los Tribunales —Heliea—, entre otras instituciones, requerían de la participación y del compromiso constante (...) del conjunto de los ciudadanos atenienses. La identificación de la ciudad-estado ateniense con el conjunto de sus ciudadanos supuso la realización de la politike areté, que significa que todos los ciudadanos se ponen en relación de cooperación e inteligencia en el espacio vital de la polis. Las exigencias políticas, sociales y militares que la democracia ateniense demandó a sus ciudadanos sirve para entender que significa realmente ser ciudadano de una comunidad política. La ciudadanía de la democracia ateniense supone el primer ejemplo de homo politicus de la historia política de Occidente. (shrink)

Contemporary reflection on the being and behavior of man has provided a colorful variety of portraits. We are already quite familiar with homo ludens ; homo symbolicus ; homo politicus ; homo sociologicus ; homo viator ; homo loquens ; homo significans ; and "psychological man". The reader of Farley’s recent book, Ecclesial Man, may well expect but another profile of the above referenced proliferating portraits. Fortunately, he will find that this is (...) not the case. "Ecclesial man" is not simply another profile of an already institutionalized portrait, nor is he an eclectic synthesis of a variety of portraits. The inquiry of this present work is directed to the origins of anthropological reflection as they proceed from prereflective involvements within a concretely experienced life-world. (shrink)

Topicality of the research topic. As a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, there is an increase in the instability of the structure of ecosocial systems. Technological innovations have led to a sharp deterioration in natural social ecodynamics. The aim of the research is the conceptual modeling of the proliferation of biopolitics from the social sphere to the field of international relations with the subsequent transformation into a systemic factor of the global evolutionary process. Research methods and results. The model is (...) based on our previously proposed concept of a three-module stable evolutionary strategy of technogenic civilization. In relation to the triple spiral of anthropo-socio-technogenesis, i.e., the historical development of the cultural-ecological niche of Homo sapiens, constructed by him, this means the following. Periods of stable progressive growth of evolutionary and civilizational success are replaced by periods of various scales crisis, up to civilizational or even biological-evolutionary singularity. During the crisis, the importance of the political factor increases sharply, and over the past 50 years, this primarily relates to the field of biopolitics. The regional differentiation of the biopolitical sphere reconstruction during the fight against the pandemic will inevitably complicate international relations not only between regions that belong to different cultural and civilizational types. Probably less so, the same problems will affect the reconciliation of differences caused by geopolitical, interethnic, religious and even economic (competition) reasons. The first phase of the adaptive civilizational response is to reduce the degree of connection between the individual socio-cultural elements of modern civilization, i.e., slowing down the globalization process and intensifying interregional conflicts of various contents. In particular, such contradictions will be most acute in the post-Soviet geopolitical space, where the conditions of the civilizational rift are imposed on the conflicts of the transition period. Due to the specifics of modern high technologies, the process will enter the phase of global socio-techno-ecological self-developing systems reconstruction, which includes man as its element. And the obvious conclusion will be the transition of the development of biopolitical issues to a new, no longer international, but global-evolutionary level. In our understanding, transbiopolitics is a political issue related to the rationalization of the global evolutionary process. The latter will become a bearing element of the global process of evolution of the noosphere with the subsequent complication and increase of cohesion between separate sociocultural types which are a part of system of the modern globalizing civilization. (shrink)

O artigo aqui apresentado faz parte de uma elaboração sistemática de estilos iconográficos e suas respectivas mensagens iconológicas da cultura visual cristã, com foco na arte religiosa devocional. A obra em questão é um interessante exemplo flamengo da linguagem visual católica em uso cem anos depois da reforma protestante e criada, provavelmente, entre a Trégua dos Doze Anos e o início da[s] Guerra[s] dos Trinta Anos. É estudo a gravura Homo moriens de Hieronymus Wierix do ano [1609/1619]. Formalmente, trata-se (...) de um emblema clássico composto por uma Inscriptio, Pictura e Subscriptio. A obra é lida por meio do método iconológico de Erwin Panofsky. Conclua-se que se o tom da narrativa visual não é polêmico ou controverso, mas, pastoral e especialmente sensíveis à necessidade religiosa de pessoas que se encontram no leito da morte. Trata-se de um discurso visual “interno” da igreja, que dá jus às ênfases soteriológicas estabelecidas pelo Concílio de Trento em uma perspectiva de cuidado, construindo certezas, para poder enfrentar a inevitável agonia. (shrink)

In Homos, he studies the historical, political, and philosophical grounds for the current distrust, within the gay community, of self-identifying moves, for the ...

The main purpose of this article is a presentation of the H. Elzenberg's philosophical theory of the ethical ideal. I pay special attention to the most interesting, from the ethical point of view, parts of his concept. Elzen-berg proposed the ethical ideal, the so called ‘homo ethicus’. I present two ways of its realisation: melioristic and soteristic. My aim is also to prove that Elzenberg’s theory demonstrates that some features of ethical activity distinguish a human being from the background (...) of the natural world and make them exceptional. These attributes include: the realisation of the perfect values such as the good and the beauty, having an ethical will, self-sacrifice, aspiring to perfection and moral salvation. (shrink)

У статті представлено концептуалізацію дихотомії категорій «дух/розум-тіло», в основі якої необхідність формування креативного класу, який несе в собі зміни для держави і сприяє розвитку і самоствердженню особистості. Дихотомія категорій «дух/розум-тіло» пов’язана з формуванням креативної особистості в умовах нових технологій, які сприяють формуванню креативного світогляду, в основі якого інформаційна творчість та інновації. Постановка завдання. Зроблено акцент на те, що філософія економіки направлена на формування креативного класу, який повинен розвивати іманентні сили, які розширяють горизонти дихотомії «дух/розум-тіло», раніше обмежені як людиною, так і (...) суспільством. Аналіз останніх досліджень і публікацій. Філософія економіки використовує різноманітні економічні моделі науково-технічного прогресу Є. Бріньолфссона, Е. Макафі, Ю. Трінкса, М. Фюрст, Р. Флориди та інших, в основі яких вирішення проблем людини. Виділення недосліджених частин загальної проблеми – концептуалізація дихотомії «дух/розум-тіло» та вплив її складових на формування «homo creativus» у філософії економіки та їх значення для сучасності. В основі дослідження - концептуалізація базових понять дух, тіло, розум, креативність та їх вплив на формування креативного класу. Методологія – застосування методів економічної антропології та синергетики для вирішення складних проблем дихотомії «дух/розум-тіло» та їх вплив на формування «homo creativus» у філософії економіки. Виклад основного матеріалу. Розглянуто предмет вивчення філософії економіки, в основі якої глибинна внутрішня сутність дихотомії «дух/розум-тіло» і представлено її основні характеристики. Розкрито сутність економічної антропології та синергетики, які допомагають проникнути в глибину феномена дихотомії «дух/розум-тіло». Досліджено умови формування Homo creativus як визначального чинника нового типу особистості з відповідною поведінкою, здібностями, ціннісними орієнтаціями. Висновки. Виявлено умови, які відкривають нові можливості для творчості, креативності, інтелекту, що сприяють формуванню сталого буття завдяки сучасним технологіям, представленим «другою епохою машин». (shrink)

The work of Giorgio Agamben, one of Italy's most important and original philosophers, has been based on an uncommon erudition in classical traditions of philosophy and rhetoric, the grammarians of late antiquity, Christian theology, and modern philosophy. Recently, Agamben has begun to direct his thinking to the constitution of the social and to some concrete, ethico-political conclusions concerning the state of society today, and the place of the individual within it. In Homo Sacer, Agamben aims to connect the problem (...) of pure possibility, potentiality, and power with the problem of political and social ethics in a context where the latter has lost its previous religious, metaphysical, and cultural grounding. Taking his cue from Foucault's fragmentary analysis of biopolitics, Agamben probes with great breadth, intensity, and acuteness the covert or implicit presence of an idea of biopolitics in the history of traditional political theory. He argues that from the earliest treatises of political theory, notably in Aristotle's notion of man as a political animal, and throughout the history of Western thinking about sovereignty, a notion of sovereignty as power over "life" is implicit. The reason it remains merely implicit has to do, according to Agamben, with the way the sacred, or the idea of sacrality, becomes indissociable from the idea of sovereignty. Drawing upon Carl Schmitt's idea of the sovereign's status as the exception to the rules he safeguards, and on anthropological research that reveals the close interlinking of the sacred and the taboo, Agamben defines the sacred person as one who can be killed and yet not sacrificed—a paradox he sees as operative in the status of the modern individual living in a system that exerts control over the collective "naked life" of all individuals. (shrink)

“Daddy, is God real or is he a part of people's imagination?” The brain constructs reality by bottom‐up, genetically programmed mechanisms. Nature selected the human holistic, symbolically thinking, aesthetic brain using a mechanism of brain‐language coevolution. Our religious nature and moral capabilities are rooted in this brain, and in the real images it constructs.

Ogni tentativo di ripensare le nostre categorie politiche deve muovere dalla consapevolezza che della distinzione classica fra zoé e bios, tra vita naturale ed esistenza politica (o tra l'uomo come semplice vivente e l'uomo come soggetto politico), non ne sappiamo piú nulla. Nel diritto romano arcaico homo sacer era un uomo che chiunque poteva uccidere senza commettere omicidio e che non doveva però essere messo a morte nelle forme prescritte dal rito. È la vita uccidibile e insacrificabile dell' 'uomo (...) sacro' a fornire qui la chiave per una rilettura critica della nostra tradizione politica. Quando la vita diventa la posta in gioco della politica e questa si trasforma in biopolitica, tutte le categorie fondamentali della nostra riflessione, dai diritti dell'uomo alla democrazia alla cittadinanza, entrano in un processo di svuotamento e di dislocazione il cui risultato sta oggi davanti ai nostri occhi. Seguendo il filo del rapporto costitutivo fra nuda vita e potere sovrano, da Aristotele ad Auschwitz, dall'Habeas corpus alle Dichiarazioni dei diritti, il libro di Agamben cerca di decifrare gli enigmi - prima di tutti il fascismo e il nazismo - che il nostro secolo ha proposto alla ragione storica. Fino a vedere, nel campo di concentramento, il paradigma biopolitico nascosto della modernità in cui città e casa sono diventate indiscernibili e la possibilità di distinguere tra il nostro corpo biologico e il nostro corpo politico ci è stata tolta una volta per tutte. (shrink)

Although many of the pioneers of present-day bioethics came from religious and theological backgrounds, the recent controversy about the role of religion in bioethics has elicited much attention. Timothy Murphy would ban religion from bioethics altogether. Much of the ado hinges on conflicting understandings of just what bioethics is and just what religion is. This paper attempts to make more explicit how the fields of bioethics and religion have been understood in this context, and how they should not be understood. (...) We begin by looking at bioethics as a field: its origins, purpose, scope, and its methods. We then examine the notion of religion, looking especially at its importance for bioethics. Humanity is not just Homo sapiens but also Homo religiosus. Religion is more than a code of ethics; it gives insight into many of the foundational matters of bioethics. (shrink)

Ecce Homo Videns, or How a Person Becomes What He Beholds: Synchronicity between Bourdieu and Sartori on Television and Democracy What role does television play in liberal democracy? This topical question is the focus of two essays, one by the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu and another by the Italian political philosopher Giovanni Sartori. Bourdieu’s position, in short, is that the television medium manipulates information from which a structural corruption emerges. Sartori, in turn, argues that television modifies thought at best (...) and impoverishes it at worst. In this contribution, the essays of both authors are taken as the starting point for a comparison. First the article discusses the ‘primacy of the image’, and it elucidates how both thinkers relate to the ubiquitous visual culture. It then examines ‘tele-directed opinion’ and offers a deeper insight into the ‘public opinion’, and in turn the ‘opinion poll’. Here their thinking on what is called media logic unfolds: the idea that media, instead of merely reporting the course of things, influence it. In the third part, the article explores the question of what Bourdieu’s and Sartori’s insights imply for politics and democracy. It discusses the electoral and political influence that television exerts in their view. The article concludes the discussion by asking to what extent Bourdieu’s and Sartori’s essays are still relevant and whether their commentary on television can be applied one-to-one to social media. Thus, the authors are compared not only textually, but also temporally (1990s and 1920s). Despite their differences, we have found that there are striking resemblances between television and social media, especially when it comes to the influence both media have on society and liberal democracy. (shrink)

In this groundbreaking work, French legal scholar Alain Supiot examines the relationship of society to legal discourse. He argues that the law is how justice is implmented in secular society, but it is not simply a technique to be manipulated at will: it is also an expression of the core beliefs of the West. We must recognize its universalizing, dogmatic nature and become receptive to other interpretations from non-Western cultures to help us avoid the clash of civilizations. In Homo (...) Juridicus, Supiot deconstructs the illusion of a world that has become flat and undifferentiated, regulated only by supposed "laws" of science and the economy, and peopled by contract-makers driven only by the calculation of their individual interests. Such a liberal perspective is nothing but the flipside of the notion of the withering away of law and the state, promoted this time not under the banner of the struggle between classes, but rather in the name of the free competition between sovereign individuals. Supiot's exploration of the development of the legal subject-the individual as formed through a dense web of contracts and laws-is set to become a classic work of social theory. (shrink)

Ecce Homo is an autobiography like no other. Nietzsche passes under review all his previous books and reaches a final reckoning with his many enemies. Ecce Homo is the summation of an extraordinary philosophical career.

Who makes decisions concerning defence policy in Belgium? Not the public opinion, because otherwise there would be no Cruise missiles.Not the Parliament, because the parliamentarians only ratify international treaties. Not the Minister of Foreign Affairs, because the Minister of Defence makes decisions without contacting Foreign Affairs. Even the Government as a whole and the Prime Minister do not much take care about the defence policy. The so-called experts concerning defence policy are the militaries, the diplomats and the NATO-bureaucrats.Yet, the political (...) problems with respect to the Atlantic Alliance and the division of the European continent, wilt constrain the politicians to reconsider the basic options of the policy. (shrink)