The paper examines Thomas Hobbes’s theory of the state and representation in light of the historical development of the idea of the people as a corporation and its use in late-medieval and early-modern theories of resistance. Consequently, it is argued that Hobbes’s use of a corporate metaphor for the state embodied a rejection of the ius gentium reading of the people as a corporate body that legitimised the right of resistance to the sovereign power. By incorporating the state, not the (...) people, and championing a single covenant of a dissociated multitude that leads to its generation, Hobbes undermined the basis on which advocates of popular sovereignty justified opposition to the sovereign; a prerogative derived in their eyes from a covenant between the people and the ruler. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Ius Gentium as Publicly Articulated Moral ScienceMatthew K. MinerdAmong the various types of law discussed in St. Thomas's theological "treatise on law"—questions 90–108 of Summa theologia [ST] I-II—the classification known as the "law of nations" (ius gentium) holds an ambiguous epistemological position. Marking a kind of halfway point between the natural law and civil law, it seems to straddle both domains. In fact, in a particularly important text dedicated (...) to this topic in the ST (I-II, q. 95, a. 4), Aquinas classes the ius gentium as being closely connected to the natural law, though in a way that is somewhat derivative, not as immediately flowing from human nature (especially in its animality) as does the natural law, but also not as marked by human contingency as is human civil law.As was recently discussed in a well-documented and insightful article by Barrett H. Turner in The Thomist, there have historically been two main lines of Thomist interpretation concerning the exact character of the "law of nations." Very broadly stated, what he refers to as the "Salamancan" line, indebted to Francisco de Vitoria, "interprets Thomas's doctrine of the ius gentium as a body of universal positive institutions (that is, specifications, determinationes) added to the natural law by agreement of the human race."1 [End Page 1043] This position, which would be common for several centuries among members of the Thomist school, would locate the law of nations essentially in the domain of nearly universally adopted customs and institutions, not strictly deduced from the natural law, but rather grounded on "the quasi-political authority of the entire human race, which promulgates the ius gentium by customs whose utility for attaining the ends of the natural law under a certain set of social conditions is easily recognized by rational creatures."2Turner calls the other line of thought "Maritain's Neo-Thomist Line,"3 an outlook that would be shared with various nuances by thinkers like Jean-Marie Aubert, Yves Simon, Marie-Michel Labourdette, John Finnis, and others. Setting aside my qualms about his appellation "neo-Thomist," which does more to obscure than to illumine (for it covers a host of Thomistic figures who have significantly different views on what constitutes "Thomism"), Turner does fairly lay out the major lines of Jacques Maritain's position, which is most directly articulated in Man and the State and La loi naturelle ou loi non-écrite.4 Basing himself on his particular view of knowledge of the natural law through connaturality,5 Maritain contrasted this sort of moral cognition with that which develops in the line of conceptual articulation, thus having a different "gnoseological" character from our knowledge of the natural law, while nonetheless still sharing the same "ontological" foundation. Such conceptually articulated law would be the ius gentium.Rather than add my voice to the dialectic of the various thinkers arrayed by Turner into the two aforementioned camps, I would like to propose a slightly different approach to the "moral epistemology of the law of nations," though one that I believe lies in line with the best aspects of Maritain's approach. Continuing a series of reflections that I have undertaken [End Page 1044] concerning moral epistemology during the past few years,6 I propose that it is most helpful to consider the "law of nations" as being a form of reasoning pertaining to what Scholastic vocabulary would refer to as "moral science,"7 namely discursive philosophical reasoning concerning the essences, properties, effects, and various other essential relationships that belong to a human acts, morally considered (the principal subject of moral philosophy), along with other subjects that are studied in relation to this principal subject (e.g., the principles of human acts, most particularly, the structure of human acts and the moral virtues). Moral science is the activity of reasoning that can be undertaken by knowing agents living together in community, seeking to discursively articulate and explain the moral truth that forms the essential basis for the contingent determinations that will then be codified in particular civil laws, the latter of which are not concerned with questions like "what are the ultimate foundations for property... (shrink)

Grotius’s discussion on slavery exhibits a dual character, as it is based on natural law on the one hand, and on ius gentium on the other. This article focuses on the sources used by Grotius in his search for the rules of ius gentium on war slavery, and compares Grotius’s insights with the works of some of his contemporaries. After briefly discussing Grotius’s introduction to ius gentium and its sources, his references to three themes concerning war slavery are analyzed. The (...) research shows that, if need be, Grotius works according to his own rules even though it seems difficult for him to leave Greco-Roman antiquity and Europe behind; it also shows that he is content with flimsy evidence. In addition, analyzing his sources informs us about Grotius’s personal input regarding the legitimacy of war and slavery. It turns out that with regard to one of the most far-reaching principles concerning war slavery, Grotius’s insight is consistent with what seems to have been generally accepted among (European) scholars from antiquity to his own time. Another lesson learned: natural rights are not safe with Grotius, since ius gentium as presented by him is a serious threat to such rights. (shrink)

Este artículo se centra en The Law of Peoples (1999), libro con el que John Rawls cierra el tríptico de su concepción socio-democrática de la justicia dentro de la tradición liberal, iniciada a principios de la década de los ‘70 con A Theory of Justice (1971), donde describe la justicia como equidad como un ideal moral universal al que deben aspirar todas las sociedades, y continuada dos décadas más tarde con Political Liberalism (1993), obra en la que el pensador estadounidense (...) abunda en su idea de extender una concepción política de la justicia al Derecho de los pueblos y a su función reguladora de las relaciones justas entre los pueblos. De cualquier modo, pese a que Rawls admite expresamente la ascendencia que tienen sobre su idea de justicia el contractualismo y el iusnaturalismo kantianos, así como la influencia que ejerce sobre su estudio dedicado al Derecho de gentes la doctrina universalista e iusirenista del Derecho internacional público, veremos hasta qué punto satisfizo o defraudó Rawls con su visión pluralista del orden mundial las expectativas de quienes esperaban que hiciera una defensa firme de la justicia universal y de la democracia cosmopolita. (shrink)

This is a reprint of chapters 4–5 of The Medieval Polish Doctrine of the Laws of Nations: Ius Gentium by Stanisław Wielgus (Lublin: Redakcja Wydawnictw Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 1998), 55–101. The original chapter and section numbering has been retained, but footnote numbers have been adapted. Reprinted with the Author’s permission. In attempting to summarize in a few sentences the achievements of the medieval scholars of the Polish school of ius gentium, we must emphasize that by employing the inherited legal and (...) philosophico-theological tradition and intellectual achievements of the University of Kraków, coupling it with their own genius, they manager to create a coherent and universal system of international law. It was a system so modern, wise, tolerant and universal that it was able to be applied not only in solving the painful problem stemming from the lengthy conflict between Poland and the Teutonic Knights but was also used in resolving global problems of the contemporary Christian’s world conflict with the non-Christian one. That legal system, based upon the eternal principles of Divine and natural law, taking account of the Gospel Law of Love and inseparably connecting law with morality and justice with truth, remains valid even today. (shrink)

Is the institution of private property part of the natural law? Leo XIII seems to say simply that it is, and many modern Catholic thinkers have followed suit. Aquinas presents a more nuanced view. On the one hand, he denies that the institution of private property is “natural” in the strict sense—unlike the ordering of physical goods to general human use. On the other hand, he maintains that private property does belong to the ius gentium, which is founded directly upon (...) natural law in the strict sense. I argue that this relegation of private property to the ius gentium is necessary in order for Aquinas to coherently maintain that it is licit to “steal” when in dire need, but that this relegation nonetheless does not deprive private property of the kind of “natural” character which Leo XIII ascribes to it. (shrink)

Resumen: El artículo examina dos conceptos centrales en la doctrina internacional de Vitoria: la idea de orbe como comunidad universal de todos los hombres y de todos los pueblos unidos por el vínculo de la común naturaleza humana, y el ius gentium como Derecho universal de la humanidad que rige en todo el orbe. El trabajo destaca el equilibrio entre tradición (universalismo cosmopolita de raíces estoicas y cristianas y iusnaturalismo clásico) e innovación (ideas de derechos naturales, de igualdad e independencia (...) de todos los pueblos y concepción de la comunidad internacional como una comunidad jurídica) y la antropología no individualista que subyace a la doctrina internacional de Vitoria. Abstract: The article analyzes two central concepts in the international doctrine of Vitoria: the idea of the orb as a universal community of all human beings and of all peoples united by the bond of common human nature, and ius gentium as the universal law of humanity rules around the world. The work highlights the balance between tradition (cosmopolitan universalism of Stoic and Christian roots and classical natural ius) and innovation (ideas of natural rights, equality and independence of all peoples and conception of the international community as a legal community) and the non-individualistic anthropology that underlies the international doctrine of Vitoria. (shrink)

This article considers Ottobah Cugoano’s philosophical response to the moral and legal contradictions of the practice of human trafficking in his Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil and Wicked Traffic of the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species (1787). It analyses Cugoano’s critique of the origins of slavery in general and the practices of ancient slavery, from which seventeenth-century proslavery advocates drew political, theological, and moral justifications of the African slave trade. According to Cugoano’s analysis, there is a necessary (...) moral dependency of the laws of civilization (positive law) on natural law. This distinction has significant philosophical and ethical ramifications that extend beyond the debate over abolition in Cugoano’s time, specifically ramifications for conceptions of slavery in the early modern tradition of natural law theory. (shrink)

This book compares the respective concepts of the law of nations put forward by the Spanish theologian Francisco Suárez and by the Dutch jurist Hugo Grotius. This comparison is based on the fact that both thinkers developed quite similar notions and were the first to depart from the Roman conception, which persisted throughout the entire Middle Ages and the early Renaissance. In Rome, jus gentium was a law that applied to foreigners within the Empire, and one which was often mistaken (...) for Natural Law itself. These two features can be found even in the works of writers such as Francisco de Vitória and Alberico Gentili. In Suárez and Grotius, the law of nations is applicable to an extra-national domain and inarguably becomes positive law. Yet, it also contains an ethical element that prevents it from transforming into a mere reflection of state interests. This work argues that this resemblance is hardly a coincidence: Grotius has read Suárez, and that influence has modified the foundations of his early thoughts on jus gentium. This should not be taken to imply that the Dutch jurist wasn't original: in both authors, the definition of the law of nations pursues his own internal logic. Nevertheless, Suárez's oeuvre allowed Grotius to solve a fundamental problem touched on in his early writings that had remained unanswered. Accordingly, his oeuvre promises to clarify one of the most significant moments in the History of International Law. (shrink)

This contribution aims at reconstructing the system of legal sources as it can be recognised in all its clarity in the De iure praedae. After pointing out that Grotius applied in this work the mathematical method, it is observed that the law has a clear voluntaristic character: 'voluntas universorum ad universos directa lex dicitur'. Even the 'first notion', quoted in Regula I, that is the lex aeterna, has this specific character: 'Quod Deus se velle significarit, id ius est'. Interesting is (...) also the way in which the issue of the ius naturae is developed. Actually, natural law is consistent with Regula I precisely because it is bound to God as a manifestation of his will: 'Dei voluntas non oraculis tantum et extraordinariis significationibus, sed vel maxime ex creantis intentione apparet'. Thus, the creation of the ius gentium primarium and ius gentium secundarium follows the same pattern: it is always a voluntas that splits into a cascade like a 'baroque fountain'. At the end of the same argument we find finally the ius civile: 'Quidquid respublica se velle significavit', as Regula V states. In conclusion, the system of legal sources in De iure praedae is based on premises that differ in many respects from the legal sources of De iure belli ac pacis. (shrink)

Relativamente ao ius gentium deparamo-nos com três questões relacionadas: existe na antiga Roma um Direito internacional? Pode dizer-se que sim em dois aspectos: ao estabelecer-se o direito das embaixadas e da guerra e ao regular os pactos internacionais. Internamente, contudo, existirá um directo étnico, um reconhecimento e um respeito pelas diferenças culturais que se verificavam entre as diversas nações e cidades do Orbe? E, mais concretamente, até que ponto é que Roma era tolerante com as diversas religiões das distintas culturas (...) ou, então, proselitista? O ius gentium aplica-se a cada um destes níveis. Estudamos o caso da relação Roma-Gades e os dados com que contribui para a resolução destas questões. (shrink)

The purpose of the present study is the understanding of Gentili's position on the law of the sea as expressed in his classic De iure belli . The key constitutive elements turn out to be: 1) the idea of the sea as 'res communis' to all mankind, which amounts to the concept of 'freedom of the sea'; 2) 'jurisdiction' of the coastal state on the adjacent sea, even on the high seas, in order to police crime and prevent/punish piracy. As (...) such these two key elements, if taken in isolation, are rooted in the civil law tradition, but their true meaning can only be captured by placing them in the intellectual framework of which they constitute an integral part. Firstly, the epistemic structure of discourse hinges on the new science of natural jurisprudence, as applied to the subject of 'ius gentium bellicum'; secondly, the constituent theoretical languages emanate from a distinctive combination of civil law, scholastic-theological and humanist traditions. This procedure enables us to highlight the strikingly original and distinctly modern traits of Gentili's perspective on the law of the sea, which emerges as a corollary of his project of international/global order. A project that is based on the crucial notion of 'respublica magna' of mankind, a notion encompassing the two notions of 'freedom' and 'jurisdiction' that constitute and define the legal regime of the sea.The Stoic humanist notion of universal human society as 'corpus unum' implies, first of all, 'freedom of intercourse', or 'ius communicationis', to start from 'free passage' and 'freedom of commerce'. It is in the context of his argument about these basic freedoms that Gentili is finally led to discuss the subject of the 'law of the sea'. But, not only the concept of 'res communis', or 'freedom of use', but also the concept of 'jurisdiction', or 'protection', are strictly related to the same foundational concept of 'respublica magna'. This is a crucial characteristic of Gentili's approach to world order that is proved by reference to two cardinal points of his new 'cosmopolitan justice': 1) the 'international right to punish', as exemplified by the legitimacy of the wars of 'humanitarian intervention' and of the wars in support of the 'common law of mankind'; 2) the 'occupation of vacant land', which again underlines the relevance of the principle of 'jurisdiction' by striking a balance between the principle of 'free use' of nature and the 'jurisdiction' of the local ruler.Such a reconstruction definitely rejects the traditional image of Gentili as a supporter of 'maritime protectionism', on the ground of his Advocatio Hispanica published posthumously in 1613 and containing his pleadings as Spanish advocate before the Court of Admiralty. The guiding assumption here is that the book is strictly of a forensic character and as such devoid of any coherent theoretical substance. To the contrary, in his De iure belli, far from anticipating the English position in favour of 'mare clausum', Gentili tends to anticipate the essentials of Grotius' position, especially at the level of the ethic of the 'modern cosmopolis' and the related theme of colonial empire. On this very plane of discourse, Gentili's thinking transcends the so-called battle of the books and emerges as especially significant in illuminating the wider and deeper intellectual currents that contributed to the development of what were to become basic standard positions of modern international theory. (shrink)

Some legal historians are startled by the fact that Grotius was able to develop a new theory of res communes omnium and mare liberum by using antique ideas whereas these ideas were known in philosophy and jurisprudence throughout the Middle Ages. This contribution shows that Grotius's theory of res communes omnium was innovative only because he developed a new concept of ownership and placed it within a new framework of ius naturale. Both new concepts, ownership and ius naturale, had their (...) predecessors in medieval theology and the jurisprudence of the Spanish Scholastics, but it was Grotius who merged them to a consistent new theory. This theory of res communes also enabled him to reconcile it with both the Roman legal sources and with contemporary practical needs. (shrink)

Right to life is an essential natural right protected and defended by law. The aim of this publication is to discuss the main issues regarding human right to life and its protection in the Roman law. Article deals with the problems of beginning and end of the human life and legal capacity in Rome, elements of legal protection of slaves and family members subject to pater familias life as well as the principle crimes attempting to human life. First of all, (...) the right to life as well as the right to liberty were held to be the institutes of natural law (ius naturale) meanwhile institutes that provided possibility to withdraw those rights (e. g. patria potestas that in the most ancient époque included right to decide on subject person’s right to life) are derived from the branches of positive law—civil (ius civile) and law of nations (ius gentium). Such attitude of the Roman jurisprudence had a solid impact on recognizing right of life to be an inherent law of every person, deriving immediately from the human nature and not conferred by the society and the state. (shrink)

In the 17th and 18th centuries, the doctrine of just war was one of the most popular theories in international law. According to this doctrine, the right to war is an integral part of natural law and, under specific circumstances, morally justified. To my mind, Kant was a fervent critic of the theory of just war. He critically reformulates the rational and normative principles of right in a way that leaves no place for war as a legitimate procedure to resolve (...) a conflict between states. In section, I shall analyze the fundamental principles of ius gentium, in particular, the duty to leave the state of nature at the international level and the juridical form that the association between states must adopt. The exit of the state of nature between nations must generate an international legal framework that not only protects human rights but also safeguards the sovereignty of the peoples. In section, I shall examine Kant’s critique of the doctrine of just war in Zum ewigen Frieden and in the Rechtslehre, exploring why the idea of an ius ad bellum is incompatible with the critical reformulation of the right of nations proposed there. (shrink)

The European influences which after the discovery of America reshaped the cultural development of the New World, but also destroyed its previous identity are much better known than the components which re-influenced the way in which Europeans saw themselves. This asymmetry shows remarkable aspects. We notice that the early European descriptions of America do not consider the ancient cultures of America with their foreign and archaic traits, but that several hidden preconceptions prevail. These claims become evident in the discussion on (...) the "human nature" of the Indians, the "noble savage" and in the philosophical and theological controversies that accompanied the formation of the ius gentium. All this suggests that theses biases towards America have arisen from Europe's own problems. Therefore, it is not incorrect to say that in the discovery of the New World the Old World was re-discovered, too not only in its own prejudices, its desires, ideals and utopias, but also in the cruel practices of the conquerors, in genocide. The first European descriptions of America were made from the point of view of the Caravelle and not with the eyes of those who were waiting on land unsuspectingly, without weapons but with gifts. (shrink)

São várias as críticas que Leo Strauss e os seus discípulos dirigem contra São Tomás, sujo ensinamento jusnaturalista abertamente desconsideram. Acusam-no de conceber o direito natural em termos maximanente universalistas, com o resultado de que todos os códigos de leis que se pretendam justos terão de convergir no seu desenho fundamental, o que nitidamente incomoda os straussianos. Partindo dessa crítica, o presente texto analisa qual a relação estabelecida na Suma teológica entre o direito natural e o ius gentium, esse corpo (...) básico de institutos jurídicos tido precisamente por comum aos vários povos. (shrink)

In discussing the works of 16th-century theorists Francisco de Vitoria and Alberico Gentili, this article examines how two different conceptions of a global legal community affect the legal character of the international order and the obligatory force of international law. For Vitoria the legal bindingness of ius gentium necessarily presupposes an integrated character of the global commonwealth that leads him to as it were ascribe legal personality to the global community as a whole. But then its legal status and its (...) consequences have to be clarified. For Gentili on the other hand, sovereign states in their plurality are the pinnacle of the legal order(s). His model of a globally valid ius gentium then oscillates between being analogous to private law, depending on individual acceptance by states and being natural law, appearing in a certain sense as a form rather of morality than of law. (shrink)

Loin d’épouser le schéma d’un État fédéral (inachevé), la structure juridique fondamentale de l’Union européenne est celle d’une union cosmopolitique au sens où Kant en avait exposé l’épure dans « La Paix perpétuelle », selon trois « niveaux de relations du droit public » ( ius civitatis, ius gentium, ius cosmopoliticum ). Cependant, la dynamique de l’intégration européenne fait émerger des différenciations déroutantes : entre citoyenneté et nationalité, peuple et nation, autorité et souveraineté, souveraineté négative et souveraineté positive, droit international (...) et droit transnational, État et Constitution. En ce qui concerne l’Europe (cosmo) politique, cela ne va pas sans difficulté. L’Union doit en effet faire face à des difficultés internes de responsabilité, d’autorité, de représentativité politiques – bref de légitimité politique du projet européen lui-même, dont il est urgent de repenser les finalités. (shrink)

Unter dem Begriff des Völkerrechts versteht man heute die rechtlichen Verhältnisse zwischen Staaten. Bis zur frühen Neuzeit bezeichnete der Begriff ius gentium allerdings ein Recht, das allen zivilisierten Völkern gemein war. Den klassischen Ausdruck dieser heute veralteten Auffassung findet man in den zu Beginn des 6. Jh.s entstandenen Institutionen Justinians.

Se analiza aquí, si bien parcialmente, las concepciones viquianas acerca de las causas y fundamentos de la guerra, cotejándolas históricamente con las de los tratadistas que sobre ello versan, desde los clásicos al racionalismo de la Reforma, y poniendo de relieve sus respectivos acuerdos y disensos.PALABRAS CLAVE: Vico, guerra, derecho natural, derecho de gentes, Diritto Universale.Vichian conceptions of causes and reasons for war are here considered through a historical comparison with those of authors who wrote on that topic, from classics (...) until reformist rationalists, emphasising their respective agreements and discrepancies.KEYWORDs: Vico, war, natural right, ius gentium, Diritto Universale. (shrink)

Francisco de Vitoria offers a stimulating vision of moral cosmopolitanism that foreshadows the cosmopolitanism implicit in contemporary Catholic social teaching. After drawing a distinction between moral cosmopolitanism and political cosmopolitanism, this essay retrieves Vitoria’s cosmopolitan vision in his efforts to defend “the rights of the Indians” through concepts such as subjective rights, ius gentium, the right to travel, and the inherent human dignity of all people. Nonetheless, he opposes all claims of universal sovereignty. Vitoria thus appears as advocating moral but (...) not political cosmopolitanism, perhaps because his political imagination is shaped by monarchies, with their totalitarian tendencies, rather than by modern democracies. The final part of the essay explores how the distinction between different kinds of cosmopolitanism illuminates the variety of positions on the subject to be found in contemporary Catholic social teaching. (shrink)

In 1538–39 Francisco de Vitoria delivered two relections:De IndisandDe iure belli.This article distills from these writings the topic of free trade as a “human right” in accordance withius gentiumor the “law of peoples.” The right to free trade is rooted in a more fundamental right to communication and association. The rights to travel, to dwell, and to migrate precede the right to trade, which is also closely connected to the rights to preach, to protect converts, and to constitute Christian princes. (...) This has significant repercussions on the field of business ethics: the right to free trade is ultimately founded directly on natural law and indirectly on divine law; trade is not independent of ethics; and trade is presented as an opportunity to develop the virtues of justice and friendship, among other repercussions. Vitoria is portrayed as a defender of private initiative and free markets. (shrink)

The modern state is often taken as the only legitimate claimant to the division of the globe. Political theorists offer many theories of territorial rights but tend to agree that the state remains the proper institutional bearer of such rights. This article examines how states became the exclusive bearers of territorial rights by returning to the international theory of the eighteenth-century Prussian jurist Christian Wolff (1679–1754), who wrote in a moment when sovereign states were not the heirs apparent to the (...) globe but competed with other claimants to territorial rights. Despite proposing a radically pluralistic and anti-imperial account of land ownership, Wolff nonetheless paved the way for the state to become the sole bearer of territorial rights. Wolff’s international thought is an illustration of how building a state-centric international order was a double-edged sword: it criticized imperial overreach while also closing the international arena to nonstate forms of collective life. In this process, he offered two distinct ideas of political space: the territorial space of states, and the land ownership tracts of nonstate peoples, including pastoralists and nomads. To Wolff, only states were entitled to full and permanent territorial rights, while nonstate peoples were shut out of the international system, made both de facto and de jure stateless. (shrink)

The French translation of the Nicomachean Ethics done by Oresme in the 14th century has some interesting notes explaining the Aristotelian text. In this paper we present his interpretation of passage V 7, 1134b18-1135a5 of the NE, where a distinction is made between natural and conventional justice. Even though Oresme is influenced by Aquinas, his commentary shows great independence of thought and is a very interesting example of the transition from the medieval to the modern world.

It would be difficult to find a major figure in the history of European political thought who would not have attempted to say something about how authority emerges, or is justified and critiqued, in the world beyond the single polity. Quite frequently, that effort would have involved some idea about a legal order, or at least a set of rules or regularities applicable in that world. Thomas Hobbes was neither the first nor the last major thinker who believed that the (...) 'international' realm was characterised by the independence of states existing 'in the state and posture of gladiators', thus apparently denying that legal rules or practices or legal thinking could have much relevance therein. Yet others believed, as Immanuel Kant did, that without a constitutional vocabulary not much that was meaningful could be said about the human pursuit of freedom, and that silence about the latter would not only constitute a moral failure but an intellectual and perhaps political mistake. For a long time, the idiom of natural law claimed to offer a universally valid frame for thinking about the nature of the political, as well as providing authority for lawyers' speculations about the rules and principles governing the conduct of individuals and corporate bodies wherever they might move. The name of the relevant discipline at German universities from the late seventeenth century onwards-ius naturae et gentium, the law of nature and of nations-revealed the full scope of its ambition. That discipline may have died away (although that is a debatable proposition) but any political thinking worth its salt will today (perhaps especially in the twenty-first century) aim to say something about how authority emerges, is maintained or critiqued not only within but also outside the single state. The world of 'nations' or even 'humanity' is established as an important theme of political and legal speculation. (shrink)

The review examines the bibliographical features of the first complete Italian translation of Grotius’ magnum opus, _De iure belli ac pacis_ (IBP). -/- This new Italian edition faithfully presents the entirety of Grotius’ text, based on the 1646 edition—the final version supervised by the author himself and the most comprehensive, as it includes the Annotata and all the supplementary materials from the 1642 IBP edition. Moreover, it adopts the division of paragraphs into sub-paragraphs, a structural refinement first introduced in the (...) 1667 edition edited by Grotius’ son, Pieter. The translation is presented across three volumes, each corresponding to one of the three books of the IBP. -/- In this new edition, the reader will encounter a translation that is both precise and sophisticated from a doctrinal perspective. The translators, all distinguished scholars, have meticulously avoided any anachronistic application of categories from legal-political philosophy that would be incongruous with Grotius’ theoretical and practical culture (cf. Antonio Del Vecchio and Carlo Galli, vol. I, pp. CXXVII-CXXXII). Indeed, the co-authors, editors, and translators have paid scrupulous attention to conceptual discontinuities within lexical continuity, following the exemplary methodological approach of the late Merio Scattola, to whose memory this translation is dedicated. (shrink)