Saint-Pierre's European Union, an alternative to the balance of power system and a safeguard against universal monarchy, was based on abolition of state sovereignty. Beyond the law of nations, the Union was to ensure European domination of the world and the use of the world's resources in Europe's own interest. A first step towards this goal was a universal crusade to ‘chase the Turk out of Europe and even out of Asia and Africa’. In this, Saint-Pierre (...) followed the logic of Western irenism. (shrink)

The Abbé de Saint-Pierre sought to develop a science regarding morals that aimed at “the greatest happiness of the greatest number.” In his system, heroic morality and Christian asceticism give way to merit, the service of the nation, and values devoid of any charismatic dimension. Against an intention-based approach inspired by Augustinianism and against Mandeville’s abandonment of self-interest, Saint-Pierre devised political institutions and collective educational programs that guided the desire of distinction toward public utility. Properly (...) channelled, the pleasure of being distinguished becomes a dynamic principle that has the potential to produce a prosperous, harmonious, and benevolent society. (shrink)

Les deux projets de paix les plus célèbres publiés à l'époque de Louis XIV sont celui de William Penn, qui parut en anglais en 1693, et celui de l'abbé de Saint-Pierre, dont la version la plus connue fut publiée en plusieurs volumes datés de 1713 à 1716. Une traduction française anonyme du livre de Penn fut imprimée au plus tard en 1697 et connut une diffusion extrêmement restreinte. Nous pensons que l'abbé de Saint-Pierre a (...) participé d'une façon ou d'une autre à cette traduction et s'est amplement inspiré des idées de Penn pour son propre projet. (shrink)

Summary In this contribution, I reassess the opposition between Saint-Pierre's idealism and Rousseau's realism. Rousseau accuses Saint-Pierre of having a defect in his analysis and political judgement which, if he had been consistent, would have led to a revolutionary position in the strong sense ? a position of which the author of The Social Contract himself disapproved. In short, not only was Saint-Pierre far from being a convinced absolutist; Rousseau's own writings on the (...) class='Hi'>Abbé do not advocate a ?republican solution?, which he regarded as impracticable for the Europe of his time. (shrink)

Wie sind Friedens- und Rechtsverhältnisse innerhalb und zwischen den Staaten zu etablieren? Lange vor Kants Schrift "Zum ewigen Frieden" (1795) wurde in der französischen Aufklärung versucht, sowohl die im Inneren der modernen Nationalstaaten als auch die in der Struktur der internationalen Beziehungen liegenden Gründe für die Dynamik des Krieges und der Herrschaft des Rechts des Stärkeren aufzudecken. Die vorliegende Untersuchung zeigt, dass Abbé Saint-Pierre und Jean-Jacques Rousseau die historische und systematische Analyse und Kritik der modernen Staatenwelt erstmals (...) auf der Ebene des neuzeitlichen politischen Denkens durchgeführt haben. (shrink)

The Abbé de Saint-Pierre, best known for his 'Project for Perpetual Peace', in fact left a much larger and more coherent body of political and moral writing, but it has been only partially studied. This book, the first systematic exploration of his entire corpus, offers a complete re-evaluation of this important author's contributions to the Enlightenment. From the first decades of the eighteenth century, Saint-Pierre set forth a pioneering vision of politics as the harmonisation of interests, (...) anticipating Bentham as a utilitarian. He imagines replacing the system of inherited power and clientele networks, which structured Old Regime society and determined the exercise of power under absolutism, with a rationalised, meritocratic and dynamic organisation. He argued for the political values of social utility and public good to take the place of the Christian ideals of perfection and the aristocratic ideals of personal charisma. As a deist seeking to reconcile morality and religion, Saint-Pierre argued that the search for salvation through active piety must also promote social justice and beneficence--and that only the indivisible power of a rationalised monarch, informed by competent elites, could carry out the reforms necessary to yield a government which would produce the greatest happiness for the greatest number. Saint-Pierre, thus, provided among the first arguments for an imposed welfare state, well before the sources more frequently associated with that idea--political economists, cameralists and the physiocrats."--Pages v-vi. (shrink)

ABSTRACT This article analyses the abbé de Saint-Pierre as a mediator of ideas between France and England. The political proposal of the Projet pour rendre la paix perpétuelle en Europe circulated in Great Britain just before the signing of the peace treaties of Utrecht and Aachen, attesting the influence that Saint-Pierre’s proposal exerted on British thought and politics. The abbé was engaged in dialogue with Quaker pacifists and, in particular, with the projects put forward (...) by William Penn and John Bellers, both theorists of a ‘European State’. After examining the relationship between Penn’s Essay and Saint-Pierre’s ideas, the article will demonstrate how elements of Bellers’s Some Reasons found their way into the Projet with numerous convergences of lexicon and content suggesting that the abbé had drawn inspiration from Bellers. Quaker ideas on politics had a greater effect on Saint-Pierre’s conception of peace and international relations than is commonly recognized. In fact, there was a constant intellectual exchange between the abbé and British political, economic and philosophical thought. (shrink)

O propósito do presente artigo é analisar o conceito de paz em Rousseau. Para atingir tal objetivo, é preciso ter presente três aspectos imprescindíveis de desenvolvimento: primeiro, o contexto do século XVI e século XVII a partir de dois questionamentos centrais desta época: o crescimento da desigualdade entre os seres humanos e a legitimidade do absolutismo político; segundo, a proposta de paz à Europa elaborada por Abbé de Saint-Pierre; terceiro, o projeto de paz articulado por Rousseau para (...) a Europa. (shrink)

In this paper we present an interdisciplinary approach that concerns the problem of argument acceptance in an agronomy setting. We propose a computational cognitive model for argument acceptance based on the dual model system in cognitive psychology. We apply it in an agronomy setting within a French national project on durum wheat.

The number of students with disabilities has increased by more than 900% in Québec universities Such an increase generates undue pressures on both the academic services available to that clientele and the personnel responsible for internships placement and supervision. In the past decade, a number of studies have attempted to make up for the lack of scientific knowledge on in-class support (measures to support the trainees.), and only a small number of studies worldwide, have focused specifically on accommodation in the (...) context of internships. This situation prompted the current researchers to conduct an exploratory research in partnership with university supervisors, field supervisors and internship coordinators. The research concentrated on three professional programs in order to highlight the specific challenges and issues supervisors must confront while providing support to students with disabilities. The study will eventually focus on testing the identified measures so as to assess their impact and help in developing required modifications. (shrink)

Qu'ont en commun Diderot, D'Alembert et l'abbé de Saint-Pierre? Voisenon et Pluche? Fontenelle et Sade? La Font de Saint-Yenne et Condillac? Casanova et Buffon? Batteux et Barruel? Peu de chose a priori réunit les auteurs qui dialoguent au sein de ce volume, sinon que tous, quel que soit leur domaine de réflexion, ont été amenés durant leur parcours intellectuel à se confronter à la question du système et à se prononcer sur sa nécessité, sa pertinence et sa (...) valeur. A lire les études ici rassemblées, il apparaît que la pensée du système innerve les champs du savoir et de la création au XVIIIe siècle. Mais ce tropisme systématique étonnamment persistant ne signifie nullement la permanence de la valeur accordée à l'esprit de système : ces systèmes omniprésents traduisent plutôt la perte de majesté du système, détrôné par d'autres manières de penser et d'écrire le monde et les hommes."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

In his _Studies of nature_ and _Harmonies of nature_ Saint-Pierre presented a panoramic view of nature as the work of omnipotent and benevolent God, whose providential care about His creation is everywhere visible. In this way, he wanted to call people to the life worthy of God, the life to be rewarded after death. The article discusses the nature of the universalist reward envisioned by Saint-Pierre in the light of his discussion of the spiritual nature of (...) the human being. His view of this nature evolved and was not presented in entirely coherent fashion. (shrink)

Parmi les projets de Rousseau figurait un ouvrage intitule Principes du droit de la guerre. On a longtemps cru cet ouvrage perdu ou reste a l'etat d'ebauches fragmentaires. Or un travail sur des manuscrits (jusqu'alors publies separement et dans le desordre) a permis de reconstituer un texte tres abouti, qui est manifestement la premiere partie de cet ouvrage. La redecouverte de ce texte et son rapprochement avec les ecrits sur le Projet de paix perpetuelle de l'abbe de Saint-Pierre, (...) sur lesquels Rousseau a travaille immediatement apres, eclairent d'un jour nouveau sa conception des rapports entre les Etats. Les commentaires proposes degagent l'originalite et l'actualite des questions posees par Rousseau sur la nature et la genese de la guerre et sur le statut d'un droit inter-etatique. L'Etat est-il ce qui empeche les hommes de se faire la guerre ou est-il la cause de l'apparition de la guerre? La guerre peut-elle etre soumise a des regles de droit? Peut-on esperer une fin de toute guerre? A quelles conditions une forme d'institution confederale pourrait-elle assurer, par le droit, une paix perpetuelle? (shrink)

Au cours des quatre derniers siècles, les projets de pacification permanente de l’Europe, ou du monde entier, ont constitué un véritable genre littéraire. À un premier niveau, le plus superficiel, le livre offre une vue panoramique de ces projets, depuis le « Grand Dessein » attribué à Henri IV jusqu’à la Charte de l’ONU, en passant par les propositions de William Penn, de l’abbé de Saint-Pierre, d’Emmanuel Kant, du comte de Saint-Simon et de tant d’autres, célèbres, (...) moins connus ou oubliés. De règle, ces auteurs sont qualifiés, non sans condescendance, d’utopistes : à un deuxième niveau, le livre est une critique de cet usage paresseux, et les traite comme membres de la famille des réformateurs radicaux. Ayant dressé, chacun à son époque, un réquisitoire sans indulgence contre l’état existant des rapports entre les nations, ils en proposent une réorganisation profonde. Ennemis de l’ordre international établi - un désordre intolérable à leurs yeux -, ils se font les architectes d’un monde nouveau, le meilleur des mondes possibles, dont ils précisent le mode de construction. Si différents soient-ils, leurs écrits se prêtent à être classifiés en un petit nombre de catégories : à un troisième niveau, le livre est un essai typologique. Il suggère une conceptualisation du « système international parfait » qui comporte cinq grands modèles et permet donc de répartir l’ensemble des auteurs passés en revue dans cinq traditions intellectuelles, dont la plus récente est longue de deux siècles et la plus ancienne de sept. (shrink)

Es un lugar común considerar a Voltaire como un crítico de Castel de Saint‒Pierre y uno de los principales responsables de la recepción de su imagen como la de un promotor de ideas impracticables, en particular su proyecto de paz permanente entre las naciones. El objetivo de este artículo es mostrar que, en cualquier caso, la interpretación que hace de los escritos del abate es menos simple de lo que se puede pensar en un primer momento. El trabajo (...) busca poner de relieve los desplazamientos y torsiones que la figura de éste sufre en los escritos del filósofo francés, especialmente a partir de los años 50’, momento en el que revaloriza algunos aspectos de su obra. Por otra parte, el texto arroja algunas luces acerca de lo que podría considerarse el proyecto de paz del propio Voltaire. (shrink)

This article uses Rousseau’s little-known responses to the Abbé de Saint-Pierre’s Project for Perpetual Peace and his fragments on ‘The State of War’ as a foil for Rawls’s claim that the international society he envisions in The Law of Peoples constitutes a ‘realistic utopia’. The main conclusion is that in a post-9/11 world Rousseau may have more to teach us about the possibilities for international security than Rawls does, since Rousseau’s theory accounts for the moral corruptibility of (...) both individuals and groups. Most of the article focuses on comparing Rousseau’s and Rawls’s assumptions about human nature, but the final section also includes a brief discussion of their contrasting views of reason and the common good. The two philosophers agree, however, that the possibilities for international justice can only evolve out of the careful practice of local justice. (shrink)

This article traces the development of European ideas of peace and unity from the time of Desiderius Erasmus to Immanuel Kant. The argument will be made that these ideas, which were initially strongly determined by Christian religious thinking, gradually changed, and from the seventeenth century onwards were put forward in more political and legal terms. Erasmus's way of reasoning about peace and war was still strongly influenced by his firm orientation on the New Testament and the teachings of Jesus Christ. (...) Emeric Crucé, a French writer, was of the opinion that all human beings in the end had God in common, and so had to live peacefully together. Duc de Sully was one of the first not to argue as a religious man but as a politician: a system of balance of power could bring international stability. According to the English Quaker William Penn and the French Abbé de Saint-Pierre only the acceptance of international rules of justice could produce everlasting peace. Immanuel Kant finally directed attention to the form of government and to the founding of a federation of free republics. So God seems to have disappeared from Europe???but with what consequences for today? (shrink)

In 1790 the Count d'Antraigues, an eccentric eighteenth-century anti- revolutionary spy, claimed that he had been given a sequel to Jean-Jacques Rousseau's Social Contract explaining how states could prevent wars by forming international associations but that he had destroyed the manuscript because it might pose a threat to the French monarchy. Recent Rousseau scholars have generally assumed that d'Antraigues was lying. I suggest that the manuscript in question was a copy of the summary that Rousseau wrote in 1760 of the (...) Project for Perpetual Peace published earlier in the century by the Abbé de Saint-Pierre. I then explore the significance of d'Antraigues' view that Rousseau's comments on the Project constituted an extension of the Social Contract and that they had revolutionary implications. The article ends with references to the ways that Rousseau's summary and critique of Saint-Pierre have recently opened up new thinking about democratic, non-hierarchical models of international organization. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Ideas 63.4 (2002) 697-716 [Access article in PDF] "La Mère Humanité":Femininity in the Romantic Socialism of Pierre Leroux and the Abbé A.-L. Constant Naomi J. Andrews Humanity, my mother, since you have led me, by so many paths, to conceive this design, support me, inspire me, affirm me. —Pierre Leroux, "Invocation to my Muse." 1It was during the July Monarchy in (...) France, in the era immediately preceding the Revolution of 1848, that the ideology we call socialism became more than an abstraction held by isolated intellectuals and conspirators. 2 A series of individuals, loose-knit associations, and more formal écoles were active during the 1830s and 1840s, developing a varied agenda of social reform, economic cooperation, or association, mystical Christianity, and women's liberation. Roughly lumped under the pejorative rubric of utopian socialism, and perhaps more accurately called romantic socialism, this movement was ultimately unsuccessful in achieving its diverse goals, but contributed significantly to the political discourse of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. 3Socialism at this stage of its development overlapped in many ways with republicanism, both being, to quote one historian of the latter, "an amalgam of responses to the Enlightenment, the 1789 Revoluation and above all economic [End Page 697] change." 4 Many early socialists were also republicans, and socialist ideas influenced the ideology articulated by republicans such as Alexandre Ledru-Rollin and Auguste Blanqui. Louis Blanc, perhaps the best-known socialist of the decade surrounding the 1848 revolution, was and is known as a Jacobin socialist. 5From a certain perspective republicanism and socialism shared common origins and assumptions during the July Monarchy. Most socialists had come out of the political milieu of republicanism, whether through the carbonarist movement, opposition political clubs such as Droits de l'Homme and Les Amis du Peuple, or through the influential journalism trade of the Bourbon Restoration and early July Monarchy. Pierre Leroux, for one, had been a co-founder of the widely read journal le Globe, a bastion of liberalism, which he later turned over to the Saint-Simonians upon his conversion to their "church." 6 Although diverse in many ways, the left of this era did share certain core tenets, chief among them opposition to the Orleanist monarchy and, to varying degrees the belief in more democratic rule of the French nation.To say this, however, might erroneously imply a unity that was certainly not a feature of socialism during this period. In fact socialism, despite its near mystical devotion to ideas of unity, was anything but singular during its pre-Marxian phase. The spectrum of socialist thinkers and groups ranged widely. Standing closest to the republicans in their beliefs about politics and the revolutionary tradition were Jacobin socialists, most usually associated with Louis Blanc. Blanc and others articulated a social philosophy that sought "to unite two distinct ideologies: Jacobin democracy and co-operative socialism." 7 Thus Jacobin socialism combined republican political priorities and commitment to national political processes in general and to a centralized state in particular with attention to economic change, to reforming the distribution process along more equitable lines and to putting the situation of working people at the center of political change. In this goal Jacobin socialism reflected, as did other strains of socialism, the economic instability of the era and the emergence of an organized working class movement which followed the aborted revolution of 1830. 8At the other end of the spectrum one might put the Saint-Simonians and the Fourierist École Sociétaire. 9 Vehemently anti-republican, these groups shared [End Page 698] very little with the Jacobin socialists, other than a certain concern with the emerging working class, one of the few consistent features of early socialism. Unlike Jacobin socialists, these groups focused their theories of community at a very low level, having a strongly utopian component to their thinking. As a result, they tended to see national politics as irrelevant to the situation of ordinary people and even as a... (shrink)

We think of the Enlightenment as an era dominated by ideas of progress, production, and industry--not an era that favored the lax and indolent individual. But was the Enlightenment only about the unceasing improvement of self and society? The Pursuit of Laziness examines moral, political, and economic treatises of the period, and reveals that crucial eighteenth-century texts did find value in idleness and nonproductivity. Fleshing out Enlightenment thinking in the works of Denis Diderot, Joseph Joubert, Pierre de Marivaux, Jean-Jacques (...) Rousseau, and Jean-Siméon Chardin, this book explores idleness in all its guises, and illustrates that laziness existed, not as a vice of the wretched, but as an exemplar of modernity and a resistance to beliefs about virtue and utility. Whether in the dawdlings of Marivaux's journalist who delayed and procrastinated or in the subjects of Chardin's paintings who delighted in suspended, playful time, Pierre Saint-Amand shows how eighteenth-century works provided a strong argument for laziness. Rousseau abandoned his previous defense of labor to pursue reverie and botanical walks, Diderot emphasized a parasitic strategy of resisting work in order to liberate time, and Joubert's little-known posthumous Notebooks radically opposed the central philosophy of the Enlightenment in a quest to infinitely postpone work. Unsettling the stubborn view of the eighteenth century as an age of frenetic industriousness and labor, The Pursuit of Laziness plumbs the texts and images of the time and uncovers deliberate yearnings for slowness and recreation. Some images inside the book are unavailable due to digital copyright restrictions. (shrink)

Jean-Jacques Rousseaus Schriften zur Stiftung eines fortdauernden Friedens unter den europäischen Völkern, Extrait du Projet de Paix Perpétuelle de Monsieur L'Abbé de Saint-Pierre und Jugement sur la Paix Perpétuelle, haben eigenständige Bedeutung in der systematischen Entfaltung einer Forderung der Rechtsphilosophie, die Kant später "nicht bloß [als] einen Teil, sondern den ganzen Endzweck der Rechtslehre innerhalb der Grenzen der bloßen Vernunft" hervorgehoben hat. Beide Schriften verdienen besondere Aufmerksamkeit, da ihnen eine gegenüber dem Abbé selbständige und weiterführende rechtsphilosophische (...) Bedeutung in der Entfaltung einer universalen Friedensidee zukommt, besonders auch im Hinblick auf die Genese von Kants berühmten Traktat Zum ewigen Frieden von 1795; so schreibt de Bastide in seinem Vorwort zur Erstausgabe des Extrait, man solle sich von dem Titel nicht täuschen lassen: "Der Analytiker [Rousseau] ist hier in sehr vielen Hinsichten der Schöpfer". In deutscher Sprache bislang nicht selbständig verfügbar, werden sie hier in einer das Original und die deutsche Übersetzung enthaltenden Neuausgabe mit einer ausführlichen Einleitung vorgelegt. Der 1756 verfaßte Extrait wurde erstmals veröffentlicht in der Ausgabe von de Bastide (Amsterdam 1761) und dann in die von Rousseau geplante, von ihm noch mit vorbereitete erste Gesamtausgabe seiner Werke von du Peyrou / Moultou (postum Genf 1782, dort Band 24) aufgenommen. Die ebenfalls 1756 abgeschlossene, aber zunächst zurückgehaltene Schrift Jugement wurde gemäß dem Willen Rousseaus in der genannten Ausgabe von 1782 (Band 24) überhaupt erstmals publiziert. Auf dieser mithin maßgebenden Textgrundlage beruht die vorliegende zweisprachige Neuausgabe. (shrink)

Pierre Saint-Germier | : Nous discutons la thèse, acceptée par de nombreux théoriciens des intuitions rationnelles, selon laquelle ces dernières s’accompagnent d’une apparence de nécessité. L’existence d’intuitions rationnelles ayant pour objet des propositions contingentes jette un doute sur l’adéquation de cette thèse. Le problème peut trouver une solution dans le cadre d’une théorie faillibiliste des intuitions rationnelles, pourvu que l’on admette des illusions modales inéliminables. En nous appuyant sur une explication bidimensionnelle de l’a priori contingent, nous défendons une (...) solution différente consistant à reconsidérer le contenu des apparences associées aux intuitions rationnelles : ce que l’on pourrait prendre pour des apparences de nécessité n’est autre qu’une manifestation de leur caractère a priori. | : We discuss the view, accepted by many rational intuition theorists, that rational intuitions involve appearances of necessity. The fact that we can have rational intuitions of contingent propositions casts a doubt on the adequacy of this view. This fact can be accommodated by a fallibilist theory of rational intuitions, provided one accepts that these intuitions generate ineliminable modal illusions. Drawing on two-dimensional explanations of the contingent a priori, we defend an alternative view according to which the appearances involved in rational intuitions are not appearances of necessity but rather an expression of their a priori status. (shrink)

Reprints the only English translation of Rousseau's development of the Projet pour rendre la paix perpétuelle en Europe by l'Abbé de Saint-Pierre. The introduction, written for this edition, provides an illuminating comparison of the two thinkers. Fragments of the essay on "The State of War" are also included.--E. T.