Developments in information and communication technologies have created change and transformation in news production and reading habits, and the use of artificial intelligence in the journalism sector has become inevitable as the process transforms society. With artificial intelligence journalism, news can be produced and edited quickly. However, this speed and automation can create problems for readers in terms of accuracy and detail in consuming the news. In this context, the roles of journalists are also changing, and they are effective in (...) checking the accuracy of news and developing public awareness. Automated news production has developed with the use of artificial intelligence-based software. In the automated news production process, which has come to the agenda through artificial intelligence, the automated creation of news through a number of algorithms and software and its rapid presentation to consumers has taken its place in the new generation journalism. Therefore, with the use of artificial intelligence in news production, public awareness should also be taken into consideration. This study investigates public awareness in the context of automated news production and news reliability, objectivity, confidentiality, employment problems of journalists and ethical rules. The independent variables of the study are the gender, age, education and occupation of newspaper consumers, while the dependent variables are the public opinion on the characteristics of the news in the face of news produced with artificial intelligence. The population of the study consists of individuals who use social media, read digital newspapers and are over the age of 18, while the sample consists of 400 people who voluntarily responded to the study. In the study, half of the participants are aware of the concept of artificial intelligence and that news is sometimes produced with artificial intelligence. Most of the participants think that weather news is produced by artificial intelligence, as well as economy, earthquake, weather and sports news are all produced automatically. The majority of the participants think that they are concerned about the reliability of the news produced by artificial intelligence, that these news are more qualified and more reliable than the news produced by the traditional news production process. Some of the participants also think that their news needs should be met through news produced by artificial intelligence today. It has been also found that there were significant differences between the gender, age and occupational groups of the participants and their attitudes towards news produced by artificial intelligence. (shrink)

Kur’ân’ın yedi harf üzere indirildiğine dair pek çok hadis bulunmaktadır. Konuyla ilgili sahih hadislerde yedi harfin, Kur’ân’ın okunuşuyla ilgili bir olgu olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Ancak söz konusu hadislerde yedi harfin mahiyetine dair açık bir bilgi yer almadığından bundan maksadın ne olduğu ile ilgili çok fazla görüş ortaya atılmıştır. Zayıf hadislere dayanan birçok görüşe göre yedi harf, Kur’ân’ın okunuşundan ziyade içeriğiyle ilgili bir kavramdır. Kaynaklarda sahiplerine nispet edilmeden aktarılan bu yöndeki görüşler kıraat alanında uzman âlimler tarafından ya zayıf görüşler olarak kabul edilmiş (...) ya da bütünüyle reddedilmiştir. Kuvvetli görüşler arasında ise şu üç görüş diğerlerine nazaran daha çok benimsenmiştir: 1. Kur’ân lafızlarının farklı lehçelere göre okunması 2. Kur’ân lafızlarının eş anlamlı kelimelerle okunması 3. Kur’ân lafızlarının farklı vecihlerle okunması. Kıraat alanında temayüz etmiş bilginler tarafından tercih edilen bu görüşler de ikna edici olmaktan uzaktır. Zira bu görüşlerin hepsinde şâz kıraatler de yedi harfin içeriğine dâhil edildiğinden yedi harfin kısmen de olsa neshedildiği iddia edilmiştir. Ancak Hz. Peygamber’in açık beyanına dayanmadan yedi harfin bir kısmının neshedildiğini iddia etmek mümkün değildir. Son arzada ya da Hz. Osman döneminde yedi harfin neshedildiğini ileri sürmek de zan ve tahminden öteye geçmemektedir. İşte bu çalışmada ilgili görüşler tahlil edilerek sahih olmayan kıraatlerin yedi harfin kapsamına alınamayacağı ve yedi harfin sahih kıraatten farklı bir olgu olamayacağı, böylece kısmen de olsa neshedilemeyeceği ortaya konacaktır. (shrink)

The words used in the languages generally have an original/basic meaning. However, these words gain new and special meanings over time apart from their basic meaning. These emerging meanings are not completely independent of the basic meaning. Because new and special meanings emerge on the axis of basic meaning. In the Qurʾān, naturally, many words are used in connotations other than their original meaning. Therefore, it is not possible to give a correct meaning to the verse without determining the meaning (...) of the words in the verses. In this study, it was investigated whether the conjunction ev in the verses was translated into Turkish correctly. For this purpose, firstly, the most accurate meanings of the conjunction ev in the verses discussed were tried to be determined from the vucūh and nezāir and tafsīr books, then these meanings were compared according to meāls and translation errors were pointed out. Accurate translations are emphasized; alternative translations are also presented when necessary. The conjunction ev in its basic meaning in Arabic indicates that the speaker is in doubt and hesitation in sentences expressing proposition and judgment In sentences such as orders and demands, it indicates that the addressee can choose between the options. However, this conjunction is sometimes used instead of conjunctions/prepositions such as and, even, to, until and except. In the vucūh and nezāir books, which are accepted as the Qurʾānic dictionary, it is agreed that the conjunction ev is used instead of and and even in the Qurʾān. In many tafsīrs much more meanings are given to the conjunction ev and it is stated that this conjunction is used instead of conjunctions such as until, to, except. In addition, it is stated in the some tafsīrs that conjunction ev adds various meanings to the expression such as elaboration, diversity, division and concealment. Where the conjunction ev is used in its basic meaning, translation errors were not made in the majority of the translations, except in very rare cases. Translation errors related to the conjunction ev mostly occurred when this conjunction was used out of its own meaning. Most of these errors are related to the words attributed to Almighty Allah by stating propositions and judgments. Because the conjunction ev used in these sentences indicates that the speaker is in doubt. However, this cannot be the case for Almighty Allah. Because Almighty Allah never doubts the matters He informs. Therefore, it is clear and certain that the conjunction ev is not used in the basic sense in such verses. It is determined that in the meāls we examined, this detail was generally not paid attention to. Although it is certain that the conjunction ev in these expressions attributed to Allah is not in the basic sense, it cannot always be clearly understood from the context in what sense it is used. Therefore, different opinions have been asserted in the sources on this issue. As a result, a scholar has taken the conjunction ev in any verse that comes in such a form to mean and, one to even, and another to except. The author of meāl usually prefers one of these meanings and tries to transfer it to the target language. However, it may not be possible to transfer every preferred meaning to meāl. For example, while it is possible to translate the meaning of and and even of the conjunction ev into Turkish, it doesn’t seem possible to transfer the meaning of ibhām/hide from the interlocutor. Therefore, a meāl writer who prefers the meaning of ibhām should translate this verse adhering to the words, and explain the meaning in the additional explanation section. Because in such a case, it is not possible to transfer the meaning to Turkish only through translation. Another reason why some verses in which the conjunction ev is used are translated incorrectly into Turkish is the attempt to convey the forms of expression particular to Arabic through literal translation. In such cases, the correct meaning should be determined first, and then the translation should be made without depending on the words. Because the purpose of translation is to convey the meaning, not the words. This study has confirmed that the author of the translation should have knowledge of the subtleties of the source and target language, and that he should make maximum use of the works written on vucūh and nezāir and the sources of tafsīr. However, it is also emphasized that every information contained in these works should not be accepted as essential without being subject to criticism. (shrink)

The political scientist and former Bavarian Minister of Culture Hans Maier has created a historically profound, theologically educated, literarily and musically highly sensitive, politically mature body of work, with which he has inscribed himself in the (intellectual) history of the Federal Republic. This book is the first to contain contributions by renowned scholars and politicians on the rich work and impact of the Catholic scholar and politician Hans Maier. It thematises and appreciates in detail his view of German history and (...) the traditions of political thought, his critique of political language, political theology, totalitarianism and political religions, but also his contributions on Catholicism and modernity, his writings on literature and music, and finally his influence as an academic teacher, public intellectual and politician. With contributions by Udo Bermbach, Thomas Brose, Ahmet Cavuldak, Horst Dreier, Hermann-Josef Große Kracht, Jens Hacke, Oliver Hidalgo, Hans Günter Hockerts, Patrick Horst, Horst Möller, Heinrich Oberreuter, Henning Ottmann, Mark Edward Ruff, Hans Otto Seitschek, Michael Stolleis, Bernhard Vogel, Peter Graf von Kielmansegg, Theo Waigel and Markus Zimmermann. (shrink)

Sartre’s phenomenology of the image in L’Imaginaire includes analytical distinctions between the mind’s comportments towards perceptual objects, images, and signs, which he refers to as different forms of consciousness. Sartre denies any possible convergence between imaging and sign consciousness, arguing that there are essential differences in the way they relate to the notions of resemblance, positionality, and affect. This essay argues against his phenomenological distinctions by stressing the continuity of imaging with sign consciousness: between images and words. In particular, it (...) argues that his understanding of the sign as affectless is questionable and that there is no reason to believe that images and signs cannot elicit similar affects or perform the same functions. Consequently, it is possible to interpret Sartre’s physical images or “analoga” as pictorial signs: his phenomenological descriptions of physical images may indeed be recast in the language of the sign and reformulated as acts of consciousness that involve pictorial signs. (shrink)

Kant metafiziğin temel meseleleri olan Tanrı, ruh ve özgürlük gibi ideaların bilgisi ya da varlığı tartışmalarının bir çözüme kavuşması gerektiğini düşünür. Ona gelene kadar sorunun çözülmemesinin sebebi olarak da metafiziksel bilgiye kaynaklık eden felsefi bilginin matematikten temelde farklı olduğunun ortaya konulamamasını göstermektedir. Kant daha önceki filozoflardan farklı olarak matematiğin temellendiği önerme türünü sentetik apriori olduğunu iddia eder. Bu nedenle de, matematiksel önermelerin felsefi bilginin temellendiği analitik önermelerden yapı itibariyle farklı olduğunu düşünür. Kant ideaların teorik olarak ortaya konulamayacağını gösterdikten sonra bunların (...) pratik alanda en yüksek iyinin gerçekleşmesinin nedenleri olarak varsayılması gerektiğini ortaya koymuştur. O, bu ideaların geçerli olduğu alanın pratik alan olduğunu göstermekle metafiziği bir yönteme kavuşturduğunu ve böylece aklın önüne geçilemez yönelimin sonucunda içine düştüğü yanılsamalardan kurtulduğunu düşünür. Bu çalışmamızda Kant’ın ideaların varlığına dair ortaya koyduğu metafiziksel yöntemin ne olduğu ve Kant’ın daha önceki filozofların yanılsamaya düşmesine sebep olarak gördüğü felsefi bilgi ile matematiksel bilgi arasındaki farklılıkların ne olduğu gösterilmeye çalışılmıştır. (shrink)

Every science examines the personal accidents of the subject, which it determines as its subject, and the sciences differ from each other in this aspect. However, sciences offer the principles that they prove themselves through the use of other sciences. Sciences take and use the principles of other sciences that they will need, but they do not have to prove these principles in themselves. On the contrary, they entrust this proof to the sciences from which they took their principles. While (...) examining the sources of fiqh and the method of making judgments from these sources, the method of fiqh uses the principles set forth in other sciences in the problems it encounters. One of the sciences in which the method of fiqh takes principles is kalām. Actually, the science of kalām provides principles to all other sciences with the conception of God and the world it reveals. One of these principles is the indeterminist understanding of the world, in other words, the theory of ʽādah (custom). The theory of custom, produced in the tradition of Ahl al-Sunnah Kalām, is a theory that cancels causality and makes all effects in the world peculiar to Allah. According to this theory, Allah operates the universe according to the laws of physics, which are named custom. However, this theory makes it possible for Allah, if He wills, to do extraordinary acts that are described as humanly extraordinary. Since the Fiqh and its Methodology, which is assisted by the science of kalām, is a science that is expected to judge according to the apparent, it seems to be contrary to his identity to make judgments by using the possibilities of the theory of custom. However, like the situation of a person who becomes a Muslim at the last moment of prayer, sometimes things get so tight that it becomes very difficult to judge according to outward appearance. Well, did the methodists look at the outward appearance and decide that this person is not responsible for the prayer of the aforementioned time, or did they come to a different conclusion by using the possibilities of the theory of custom. (shrink)

Increasingly complex working environments of school principals inevitably led them to face moral dilemmas in daily life. The aim of this research is to reveal which kinds of moral dilemmas principals fall into mostly, how principals follow the road to making decisions in the moral dilemmas, and if the nature of management affects the decision-making process of their moral dilemmas or not. For data collection process snowball sampling was used. Semi-structured interviews and vignettes which were designed by researchers were used (...) for data collection. According to results, principals in Turkey have experienced moral dilemmas based on self-interests instead of ethic of critique which is experienced by Canadian principals. Moreover, taking into consideration the decision-making process, although principals in Canada follow the same procedure as the Turkish principals, they have two extra steps: “considering the students’ benefit” and “considering teachers’ and parents’ needs.” Lastly, it is seen that the Turkish and Canadian principals’ natures which affect the moral dilemma decision-making process are totally different. The possible reasons for these differences and suggestions were discussed within this context. (shrink)

This article examines the influence of the Hanafī philosophy of the Mamlūk period on the early Ottoman fiqh studies. Since the Egyptian and Damascus regions, which were under the rule of the Mamlūks, became the most important centres of knowledge in the Islamic world, it is understood that the Mamlūks’ scientific knowledge was superior to the Ottomans. On this occasion, many scholars who were considered the leading figures of the Ottoman scientific community turned to Egypt and Damascus regions and benefited (...) from the scientific accumulation there. In fact, these scholars who played an active role in the formation of the Ottoman scientific environment completed their education in Damascus and Egypt under the rule of the Mamlūks and graduated from the Mamlūk education system and assumed important roles in the formation of the Ottoman science understanding. During this period, the Hanafī judges (fuqahāʾ), who were active in the Mamlūk community, contributed to the development of the leading names of the Ottoman scientific community and this thought had an impact on their understanding of science. In this context, it is possible to say that the fiqh studies of the Ottomans in the first period were influenced by the Mamlūk Hanafī who had their characteristics. The two main characteristics of Hanafī thought in the Mamlūk period, the hadīth-centred juristic (fiqh) idea and the method of mamzûc (mixed) fiqh style are also seen in Ottoman fiqh works.Summary: In this article, the effect of Hanafī fiqh thought on the early Ottoman fiqh studies in Mamlūk period is discussed. While the Ottomans did not yet establish a scientific tradition in the period of foundation and ascension, many Mamlūk cities replaced Baghdad as the centre of knowledge of the Islamic world. Because the Mongol invasion, the crusades and the destruction of Andalusia due to reasons such as many scholars displaced by the Mamlūks settled there. Especially during this period, Egypt and Damascus, which were under the rule of the Mamlūks, became the most important centres of science in the Islamic world. In this respect, 14th-16th It is accepted that the science level of the Mamlūks was quite superior to the Ottomans in the 16th century. On this occasion, many scholars who are considered as the leading names of the Ottoman scientific community turned to Egypt and Damascus regions and benefited from the scientific accumulation there. Osman Ghāzī’s teacher and father-in-law, Sheikh Edebālī, Davud-i Kayserī, Sheikh Bedreddin, Molla Fanārī, Molla Gürānī are some of these scholars. In addition to these, scholars such as Muhsin-i Kayserī, Germiyanlı Poet Ahmedī, Hacı Paşa, Celāleddin Hızır, İbnü’l-Cezerī and İbn Arabşāh have also studied science in Egypt and Damascus. These scholars, who played an active role in the formation of the Ottoman scientific environment, completed their education in Damascus and Egypt under the rule of the Mamlūk and after graduating from the Mamlūk education system, they played an important role in the formation of the Ottoman science understanding. Sheikh Edebālī was accepted as one of the scientific and spiritual leaders of the Ottoman Empire. Davud-ı Kayserī was the first chief professor of İznik madrasah, the first Ottoman madrasah. Molla Fanārī had the privilege of being the first Ottoman shaykh al-Islām. Molla Gürānī became the teacher of Fatih Sultan Mehmed. During this period, the Hanafi faculties, which were active in the Mamlūk science community, contributed to the growth of the leading names in the Ottoman science community. Molla Fanārī, Seyyid Şerif Cürcānī, Shaykh Bedreddin and Poet Ahmadī have learned lessons from Bābertī, who important Hanafī scholars in Egypt. The idea of Hanafī fiqh in the Mamlūk period influenced the studies of the Ottoman fiqh in the first period. In this context, Molla Khüsrev refers to Zeyla‛ī and Bābertī, the leading Hanafī scholars of Mamlūk in many parts of his work, although he did not go to the regions dominated by the Mamlūks. The two main characteristics of the Hanafī thought in the Mamlūk period were the hadith-centred fiqh thought and mamzûc (mixed) method of fiqh. In the Mamlūk period, hadith studies which were not seen before in Hanafī sect were done. During this period, Hanafī jurists spent time in the field of hadith such as Ibn Balabān, Ibn Turkmānī, Zeylaʻī, Kuraşī, Mogoltay b. Kılıç, Bedruddīn Aynī, Ibn Kutluboğa, Serūcī, Bābertī, İbnü’l-Humām, İbnü’l-‛Adīm. They tried to eliminate the lack of studies in the field of hadith in the Hanafī circles while their studies certainly require hadith expertise. As a result of the works of these jurists in the field of hadith, the basic sources were frequently included in the fiqh studies in the Mamlūk period and, the hadiths were started to be made. The influence of this understanding, which had an important place in the thought of the fiqh of Hanafī during the Mamlūk period, can be seen in the Ottoman fiqh works in the first period. In this context, Molla Khüsrev, in his work with the influence of the early Ottoman jurists who had been educated in Egypt before him, gave some basic sources of hadith and sometimes gave information about the reliability of hadiths. On the other hand, it is possible to say that this issue is quite insufficient in Ottoman fiqh works when compared with Hanafi jurists of the Mamlūks. A comparison of Ibnü’l-Humām’s Fethü’l-kadīr and Netāicu’l-efkār, which was performed by Kādızāde order to complete it, can be compared. Apart from that, there are different attitudes between Şürünbülālī and Şeykhi-zāde known as Damad Efendi, they lived in the same period. Şürünbülālī, one of the Egyptian scholars of the Ottoman period generally gave the hadiths from the basic hadith sources in his work Merāki’l-felāh, while Şeyhīzāde did not obey this issue and rarely included basic hadith sources in his work Mecma‛ü’l-enhur. These differences can be explained by the necessity of the scientific environment. Because the Hanafīs were accused of not using hadith in Egypt and its environs, the Hanafī jurists living in this region should have directed them to be more rigorous about the hadith. However, since the Hanafī jurists living in other Ottoman regions did not have such a problem, they probably did not feel the need to refer to the main sources of hadith in the power of hadiths. Therefore, it can be said that the scientific environment and the need arising in this direction lead to different attitudes of the jurists living in the same period. The mamzûc (mixed) method starting with Ibnu’s-Sāātī, In the 8th-century, it was especially effective on the idea of ​​the fiqh style of Hanafī jurists. Although the first name of the mamzûc (mixed) method, Ibnu’s-Sāātī, was not one of the scholars of the Mamlūk period, the influence he initiated was more common in the Mamlūk period and became one of the characteristic features of the Hanafī fiqh thought in this period. Therefore, it is understood that the majority of Hanafī jurists had a gratified method. In addition to this, it is seen that Ottoman jurists who were educated in and around Egypt write procedural works in grammatical style. Molla Fanārī's work Fusūlü’l-Bedāyi is the most important example of this genre. Moreover, even Molla Khüsrev, who had not gone to Egypt and his surroundings, wrote a memoir-like work called Mir’ātü’l-Usûl. The works of these two authors show that the Ottoman jurists were influenced by the Mamlūks. As a result, it is possible to say that the fiqh studies in the early period of the Ottomans were influenced by the Mamlūk Hanafīs who had their characteristics. The hadith-centred fiqh thought and mamzûc (mixed) fiqh style understanding had an impact on the early Ottoman fiqh studies. (shrink)

The challenges facing the life-worlds of political societies in the Islamic world require a radical shift of perspective that can improve our understanding of the contemporary situation of human rights politics. Not only the classical formulation of secularism, which aims at liberating the public sphere from domination of ‘the sacred’, but also the political-theological approach, which addresses the problems of modernity within the context of a disguised and refurbished dominance of ‘the transcendence’, suffer from and share a basic insufficiency in (...) handling human rights issues. According to these approaches, the basic issue stems from a realignment in relations between logics of the sovereign and the sacred or a redefinition of the position of state against religion. In this article, my object is shifting the scope of discussion concerning the rights beyond this logic of sovereignty by adopting an approach which provides a political ground for discussing the intermingling of religion in the life-world. From my point of view, the first step that should be taken to deepen our understanding of the argument of freedom is to unveil the nature of the sacred within the framework of a power network that longs for control over the whole lives of individuals constituting the society. In this regard, by going beyond the concepts such as fanaticism, fundamentalism or terrorism provided by ‘state mentality’, the significance of lifestyle politics for ‘rights talk’ will become more evident. From this point of view, the detection and critique of a zone of ‘weak citizenship’ constructed through restrictions stemming from the values and norms arising from the perceptions of particular communities organized through family, tradition and justice are essential. Such a critique will pave the way for a radical politicization of lifestyles by way of criteria of the demands for equal respect and dignity. (shrink)

Aristoteles, zamanı harekette açığa çıkan öncelik ile sonralıktan ve ânın birimler hâlinde düşünülmesinden dolayı sayı olarak betimlemiştir. Bu bağlamda Peripatetik doğa felsefesinde zaman, hareketin sayılması çerçevesinde tartışılmıştır. Halbuki bu sistemde zaman sürekli, sayı süreksiz niceliktir. Dolayısıyla tanım cümlesindeki sayı kavramı; zamanın sayı olmasının nasıl anlaşılacağı, sayının bir sayanı gerektirmesi ve çokluklarla ilişkili olması gibi hususlarda süreksizlik sorununu meydana getirmiştir. Nitekim Aristoteles, sürekli olması dolayısıyla zamanı, sayılan anlamında sayı kabul eder. Helenistik şârihler de zamanın sayı formunda betimlenmesinde, nicelikler arasında süreklilik ve (...) süreksizlik geçişkenliğini çözmeye çalışmıştır. Bu makalenin ana iddiası, İbn Sînâ’nın zaman anlayışının, Aristotelesçi zaman kavrayışının yeniden yapılandırılmış versiyonu olduğudur. İbn Sînâ zamanı, nicelikler arasındaki sürekli– süreksiz ilişkisine karşı, öncelikle hem büyüklük hem de ölçü olarak tartışılabilen miktar kavramıyla kurar. İbn Sînâ’ya göre miktar sürekli olduğundan, zaman bizzat süreklidir; sayı ise arazî biçimde zamana eklenir. Ayrıca, miktar olması bakımından zaman, sayan nefsi zorunlu kılmaz. Bu makale, İbn Sînâ’nın zaman kavramında gerçekleştirdiği yeniden yapılandırmasını; sayı, miktar, süreklilik ve göksel küreler üzerinden incelemektedir. (shrink)

: The corpus of fatwa named as Bostānu Shaqā’iq al-Nuʿmān, recorded in the Veliyuddin Efendi section under the number 1414 at Beyazıd State Library. It has been ignored so far. Because of its name, it may be thought that it is a part of Tashkoprulüzāde’s book Shaḳā’iḳ-i Nuʿmāniyya, but it is a nuqullu fatwa collection of Babakūshī ʿAbdurrahmān Efendi. In the famous Shaqā’iq appendix Atā’ī, which gives information about the biography of Abdurrahmān Efendi does not mention the book with this (...) name. Abdurrahman Efendi who was from a family in Plovdiv region worked in different positions in Istanbul and Edirne. Then, he was appointed as a mufti to Kefe, Crimea. He died in 983/1576. There is no information about his scholarly identity in ‛Aṭā‛ī except being the intern of Abū l-Suʿūd Efendi. In this essay, first of all, the place of Babakūshī in Ottoman Islamic Law tradition will be determined, and the features of the manuscripts and some notes on the postscript will be studied. In assessment section, especially because of the notes on the manuscripts, it has to be studied in terms of Islamic Law literature and its place should be figured out in fatwa literature. Summary: Nuqullu Fatwa collections that included citations were the books that were created for people to have access to the ruling on legal issues of scholars who were appointed as Muslim judges or muftis together with their sources and background. Although there are several studies in the literature about fatwa collections with citations Babakūshī ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Efendi's book titled Bostânu Shaqā'iḳ al-Nuʿmān was not included in the literature. ‛Aṭā‛ī provides information about the life of Babakūshī Abdurrahman Efendi. Atâ'î explains that he climbed the stairs with the help of Baba Efendi and joined the special group of people with aptitude at the level of apprenticeship. Then he raised also to the level of being the intern of Abū l-Suʿūd Efendi. Later, Babakūshī ʿAbd al-Raḥmān started to teach. He taught as a teacher for three years in Istanbul and then became the Mufti of Kefe replacing Molla Akmal al-Dīn. Molla Ekmeleddin, who was better known as Ekmel Efendi, just like ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Efendi, was an apprentice of Abū l-Suʿūd Efendi and would later be transferred to Cyprus after the island was conquered. According to Aṭā‛ī, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Efendi remained in that position which he was appointed as Ṣahn teacher until his death and died in Zilqāda 983/February 1576. The highest position that Babakūshī took among the religious scholars organization in the Ottoman Empire was being the Mufti of Kefe. As stated by ‛Aṭā‛ī, he was appointed as the Mufti of Kefe with the title of Ṣahn teacher. Instead of giving information about his teachers, ‛Aṭā‛ī mostly concentrated on Baba Efendi who was one of his relatives. Therefore we do not have information about his mentors/teachers. We can say that he belonged to the Ottoman school of scholars since he was an apprentice of Abū l-Suʿūd Efendi. The copy which is the subject matter of this study is registered as Veliyüddin Efendi with number 1414 at Bāyezıd State Library. According to our research, the copy which has 237 sheets is the only copy of the book. From the expressions of Babakūshī in the preface, it is concluded that the book was written close to his death. There are several notes written with different pens as footnotes of the book. Here, four of them which are considered to be more important will be identified.First: Notes written with the same pen as the main text. These are generally citations from books such as Tatarkhāniyye, Hidāya, ‛İnâya, Kashf al-Asrâr Sharḥu Manār.Second: are 'maṭlabs' i.e. important matters. Third: are relatively inelaborate notes. These were written by someone who we thought was not a copyist/calligrapher when compared with the general style of the book. Fourth: Warning notes which included some questions. These are generally in Turkish. The preface of the book, provides sufficient information about who the author was and the nature of the book. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Efendi, with the intention of writing a collection, started to research taking into account imams' and shaykhs' nāsikh and mensūkh and he also considered sheikhs' explanations about what was definite and what needed caution and taqwa in practice. He recorded that this search lasted for 3 years and he referred especially to Fatāwa-yi Qādikhān and Fatāwa-yı Tatarkhāniyya within this period and additionally reviewed and studied Islamic Law books that he found in the Ottoman Empire. He described that he divided these into chapters and inserted subject matters in the footnotes. Then he described how he gave the title, Bostānu Shaqā'iḳ al-Nuʿmān to the book emphasizing especially bostan.This could be seen in the expression, Masīratan li'l-Qudāt. No reference was made to Shaqā'iḳ al-Nuʿmān in the title of the book. Probably he had his intentions due to the famous book titled Şeḳ' āiḳ-i Nuʿmaniye and his pupils). In the chapter which started with Fasl right after the preface the author said that fatwa would be issued based on the opinions of three imams, namely Abū Ḥanīfa, Abu Yūsuf and Imām Muhammed that their madhap was followed and their good morals were observed. Then, it was stated that the Mufti could issue fatwas according to the opinions of first, Abū Ḥanīfa, then Abu Yūsuf and finally Imam Muḥammed. It was also stated that if he could not find their opinions and had himself muctehid, he could give his ictihad. The Fatwa collection, Bostān, is an important work among the 16th century Ottoman books since it is an important scholar's book who had witnessed Islamic knowledge in the central Ottoman Empire and Crimean region. (shrink)

Comprehending the messages of Qurʾān in terms of the relationship between occasions (sīra) and revelation has a profound influence on determining the contextual purpose and shades of meanings. Establishing such relationship necessitates dating sūras and verses. Although there are some oral transmissions (riwāya) that verses 12, 45, 47 and 77 were revealed in Madīnah, and some weak transmissions date this sūra as Medinan, this sūra is unanimously regarded as Meccan. Like many Meccan verses, not only the order of revelation and (...) causality of verses but also the content of the script do not provide concrete evidence about whether the whole sūra was sent down at once or revealed piece by piece or the date of the revelation. In this regard, in studies carried out on the dating of Sūrat Yāsīn, the dating of this sūra is established on the basis of the dates of the sūras coming before or after Yāsīn since they apparently have more definite datings. In recent studies done on the nuzūl order, Sūrat Yāsīn is dated on the basis of a time frame before the emigration to Abyssinia (615-616) in terms of Sūrat Maryam and Ṭāhā, or Muhammed’s return from Ṭāif and his Ascension (Isrāʾ) (620) in terms of Sūrat al-Jinn. The dating of the sūra covers a time span of 4 to 5 years and points out two discrete occasions of revelation. With this reason, there is a need for further studies to be carried out on dating Qurʾānic sūras, especially within the specific context of Sūrat Yāsīn. Traditional Islamic studies dispute the chronological order of the sūra, offering various chronological orderings for the sūra: 31, 36, 37, 39, 40 and 41. In the first part of this study, such variations and their causes are tentatively established and determining the precise chronology and listing of the sūra was attempted. Based on the analysis of the variations in the disputed ordering of the sūra, it has been found to be caused by five different reasons. When such discrepancies are accounted for and conflicts are resolved, the conclusion was reached that in almost all riwāyas, sūrat Yāsīn can be dated as the 41st chapter (sūra). In the second part of the study, on the basis of the discourse analysis of the sūra, new arguments to date the chronology of the sūra were put forward. These are; a- Because of their obstinacy, unbelievers will not heed the warnings directed at them (36/11), b- The speeches of unbelievers should not grieve Prophet Muhammad (36/76), c- The use of the word Rahmān the Most Gracious (36/11, 15, 23, 52), d- In return for conveying the message of Allah, prophets do not ask people for any wage (36/21), e- Regarding Qurʾān as book of poetry and calling Muhammad a poet (36/69), f- The possibility of recreation and reviving bones (36/78). Such arguments presented in a – f usually refer to events happening in Mecca and in particular the second part or the end of Meccan period, yet there is no exact date. g- Based on the phrase “al-Fulq al-Mashhūn”, the fact that sūrat Yāsīn should be dated after the emigration to Abyssinia (615-616) presents strong evidence that it was revealed after sūrat Maryam, though this is still not enough to give an exact date. h- In sūrat Yāsīn, in phenomenon of (a man coming from the farthest part of the City) (36/20), two names (Hazrat Abū Bakr and el-Hāris b. Abī Hāla) and two dates (month of Dhu al-Qiʿdah/April 5 – May 4, 615 and three days after Shawwal 15/February 27, 617) are mentioned in Sīra for the purpose of consolation and encouragement. In the third part of the study, in the chronological ordering of sūrat Yāsīn, information regarding the dating of sūras coming before and after Yāsīn are evaluated based on their similarity with Yāsīn in terms of discourse and diction. In nuzūl orderings, when riwāyas regarding dating sūrat al-Qamar, Ṣād and al-Jinn coming before Maryam and Ṭāhā are analysed, events happening during 7th or 10th year after emigration were observed. In addition, there were close connections between the discourse and diction of Yāsīn with those of Ḥavāmīm sūras. This brings to the mind the possibility that some sūras might be listed in the wrong place because of the vagueness of the piecemeal character of the Qurʾānic revelation and its effects on riwāyas. Based upon the findings and inferences in the first three sections of this study, sūrat Yāsīn was determined to be the 41st chapter (sūra) of Qurʾān. The dating of sūrat Yāsīn presented some difficulties especially while trying to date it according to the interrupted revelation order approach, and considering it together with Sūrat Maryam and Ṭāhā. However, listing sūrat Yāsīn on the basis of uninterrupted revelation order along with Sūrat al-Jinn, the previous sūra and Ḥāmīm sūras is found to be a more coherent strategy since it gives priority to the succession of two sūras. (shrink)

Değer felsefesindeki önemli ayrımlardan birisi özsel değer ve araçsal değer ayrımıdır. Bu ayrıma göre bazı şeyler dışsal ilişkilerinden bağımsız şekilde, kendi doğası itibariyle, özsel şekilde değerli iken bazı şeyler, böyle olmayıp ancak özsel şekilde değerli olan başka bir şeye araç olması itibariyle değerlidir. Bu ayrım üzerinden ilerlediğimiz zaman önümüze çıkan temel sorulardan birisi hangi şeylerin özsel şekilde değerli olduğu sorusudur. Hedonizm bu soruya sadece hazzın özsel şekilde değerli olduğu ve haz dışındaki her şeyin sadece hazza götürmesi veya haz vermesi sayesinde, (...) araçsal olarak değerli olduğu cevabını verir. Fakat hedonizmin bu temel iddiası yeteri kadar temellendirilmiş midir? Bu temel tez lehinde yeteri kadar sağlam veya güçlü argümanlar var mıdır? Yine bu temel tez aleyhinde sağlam veya güçlü argümanlar var mıdır? Bu çalışmada bu sorulara cevap bulmaya çalıştık. Daha spesifik olarak da çalışmamızda, hedonizmin lehinde sunulan yaygın argümanların yeteri kadar güçlü olmadığını, genelde, yaygın olarak başvurulan argümanların öncüllerinin doğruluğunun yeteri kadar açık veya temellendirilmiş olmamasından hareketle göstermeye çalıştık. Diğer yandan hedonizmin aleyhindeki, onun tutarsızlığına veya temel tezinin makul olmadığına işaret eden karşı argümanları sunduk. Böylece hedonizmin lehindeki argümanların yetersiz olduğu ve onun aleyhinde çok sayıda ikna edici argümanın bulunduğu gerekçelerinden hareketle hedonizmin felsefi açıdan temellendirilmiş, sağlam bir yaklaşım olmadığını savunmaya çalıştık. (shrink)

Even though potential impacts of political and legal environments of business on ethical behavior of firms (EBOF) have been conceptually recognized, not much evidence (i.e., empirical work) has been produced to clarify their role. In this paper, using Bayesian causal maps (BCMs) methodology, relationships between legal and political environments of business and EBOF are investigated. The unique design of our study allows us to analyze these relationships based on the stages of development in 92 countries around the world. The EBOF (...) models structured through BCMs are used to explain how EBOF in a given country group are shaped by how managers perceive political, legislative, and protective environments of business in these countries. The results suggest that irregular payments and bribes are the most influential factors affecting managers’ perceptions of business ethics in relatively more advanced economies, whereas intellectual property protection is the most influential factor affecting managers’ perceptions of business ethics in less-advanced economies. The results also suggest that regardless of where the business is conducted in the world, judicial independence is the driving force behind managers’ perceptions of business ethics. In addition, the results of this study provide further support for scholars who argue that business ethics is likely to vary among countries based on their socio-economic factors. In addition to its managerial implications, the study provides directions for policy makers to improve the ethical conduct of businesses in their respective countries. (shrink)

İslâm tarihi boyunca Müslümanların üzerinde özenle durdukları temel meselelerden biri Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’i öğrenme ve başkalarına öğretme konusudur. Zira İslâm’ın emirlerinin doğru bir şekilde anlaşılması ve yaşanması için Kur’ân’ın orijinal haliyle öğrenilip öğretilmesi zaruri kılınmıştır. Konuyla ilgili öncelikli sorumluluk, Kur’ân’ın ilk muhatabı ve uygulayıcısı olan Hz. Peygamber (s.a.v.) tarafından alınmıştır. O, ashâbına âyetlerin hem mesajlarını hem de okunuş şekillerini (lafızlarını ve kelime telaffuzlarını) öğretmiş ve bunların uygulamalarını bizzat göstermiştir. Bu bağlamda araştırmanın konusu, Hz. Peygamber’in (s.a.v.) ilk muhataplarına Kur’ân’ı öğretirken dikkate aldığı (...) bazı pedagojik esasları ortaya koyup değerlendirmektir. Buradan hareketle araştırmada, kaynaklarda zikredilen bilgiler ışığında Hz. Peygamber’in (s.a.v.) Kur’ân’ı okuma tavrı, talim etme usûlleri ve öğrencilerine yaklaşımlarına dair tespitlerde bulunmak; bu sayede günümüz Kur’ân öğreticilerine yol gösterecek bir yöntemin ve iletişim dilinin oluşmasına katkı sağlamak hedeflenmiştir. Bu yaklaşım ve anlayış aynı zamanda makalemizin de hareket noktasını oluşturmaktadır. Ayrıca araştırmada Hz. Peygamber’in (s.av.) Kur’ân öğretimi esnasında hayata geçirdiği pedagojik esasları, bir ilke veya metodu doğrudan konu edinmeksizin, süreç odaklı yaklaşımla tahlil etmek amaçlanmıştır. Dolayısıyla İslâm tarihinde Kur’ân öğretimi yapılan başka bir zaman diliminde bu işle meşgul olan şahısların uyguladıkları pedagojik ilke ve metotlar araştırmanın kapsamı dışındadır. Ancak çalışmada yer yer Hz. Peygamber’in (s.a.v.) Kur’ân öğretim metotlarının kendisinden sonraki döneme etkisine dair örneklerin verildiği de olmuştur. Konuya ilişkin literatüre göz atıldığında dikkat çeken ilk husus, Hz. Peygamber’in (s.a.v.) eğitimciliğini genel anlamda ana hatlarıyla ele alıp değerlendiren birçok çalışmanın varlığıdır. Bununla birlikte onun, Kur’ân eğitimi-öğretimini özel olarak ele alıp irdeleyen araştırmalar çok fazla değildir. Bu çalışma böyle bir düşüncenin ürünü olarak ortaya konulmuştur. Araştırmanın konuyla ilgili diğer çalışmalardan farkı, eğitici-öğretici ilişkileri bağlamında ve pedagojik ilkeler çerçevesinde Hz. Peygamber’in (s.a.v.) Kur’ân öğretimini ele almasıdır. Bu çerçevede çalışma kapsamında ilk aşamada verilerin elde edilmesi için kapsamlı literatür taraması gerçekleştirilmiştir. Bunun sonucunda elde edilen verilerin analiz ve değerlendirmesinde nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden doküman analizi tekniği kullanılmıştır. Çalışma neticesinde Hz. Peygamber’in (s.a.v.) Kur’ân öğretiminde uyguladığı pedagojik esaslar “kabiliyetli olanları özel olarak seçip yetiştirmesi, Kur’ân öğretiminde fırsat eşitliği sunması, aceleci davranmaması, öğrenmede güçlük yaşayanları gözetmesi, hayata aktararak öğretmesi, alfabeden ziyade ezber yoluyla öğretimi benimsemesi, öğrencilerinden dönüt alması, bireysel ve toplu öğrenime imkân sunması, örgün ve yaygın Kur’ân öğretimini aynı anda uygulaması, Kur’ân’ın lafızlarını bizzat tatbik ederek öğretmesi, yazı ve ezberi birlikte kullanması, Kur’ân öğreniminde başarılı olanları teşvik ve takdir etmesi” şeklinde tespit edilmiştir. (shrink)

In this article, I develop a novel version of the multiverse theory of sets called hierarchical pluralism by introducing the notion of “degrees of intentionality” of theories. The presented view is articulated for the purpose of reconciling epistemological realism and the multiverse theory of sets so as to preserve a considerable amount of epistemic objectivity when working with the multiverse theory. I give some arguments in favor of a hierarchical picture of the multiverse in which theories or models are thought (...) to be ordered with respect to their plausibility as a manifestation of endorsing the idea that some set theories are more plausible than others. The proposed multiverse account settles the pluralist’s dilemma, the dichotomy that there is a trade-off between the richness of mathematical ontology and the objectivity of mathematical truth. The view also extends and serves as an alternative position to Balaguer’s intention-based Platonism, from which he claims that a certain version of mathematical pluralism follows. (shrink)

When the Mamluk Sultan Qalawun (1279-1290) moves to Syria with her army to fight the Mongols, martial law is declared in Egypt. Kalavun's son as heir Salih Ali in Egypt, published to Zaynaddin Ketboğa a tazkire that dated April-1281 containing the martial law decisions. Tezkire talks about the duties and responsibilities of administrators in the context of state-security-service. These decisions are important state affairs in the flow of daily life such as the judiciary, law, justice, security, transportation, service, trade, land, (...) fair tax system, control of civil servants and state affairs. In addition, the healthy living conditions of the detainees, It also includes issues such as meeting the needs of the detainees such as churches and baths. Tazkire decisions aiming to ensure the flow of daily life in Egypt during wartime without causing a possible instability are always valid state policies aiming at state order and social welfare. In our article, we will talk about this tezkire, which was narrated as a full text by İbnü'l-Furât (d. 1405) and Kalkaşendî (d. 1418). (shrink)

M. Hayri Kırbasoglu is researcher who studies in the field of ḥadīth. Kırbasoglu’s latest work was on the famous orientalist Ignaz Goldziher, and in his book Understanding Goldziher, he claimed that Goldziher, who was criticized by Muslim researchers, was not understood correctly, a hate and smear campaign was carried out against him, and he suffered a great injustice. The reason for writing this article is to analyze the defense of Goldziher put forward by Kırbasoglu in the aforementioned study and to (...) evaluate whether he is right in his opinions and determinations. As a result of our research, it was seen that there was no other study that was critical of Kırbasoglu’s defense of Goldziher, and it was decided to write this article. The article is limited to Kırbasoglu’s aforementioned work, and it is aimed to introduce both him and Goldziher correctly, based on Kırbasoglu’s views here. At the end of the article, it was concluded that Kırbasoglu’s evaluations about the Jewish orientalist Goldziher were subjective, one-sided, biased, reactive, far from objectivity and superficial, in addition, it was concluded that most of his analyzes related to Goldziher do not correspond to the facts. (shrink)

In the dictionary, kināya, which means “to say a word and to mean a second meaning with that word”, means “to use a word both in its true meaning and in a second meaning other than this meaning“ as the Arabic rhetoric term. The conceptualization process of kināya as a sub-title of the ilm al-bayān started in the second century hijrī and took its present form in the seventh century hijrī with Abū Yaʿqūb al-Sakkākī (d. 626/1229) and in the eighth (...) century with Khaṭīb al-Qazwīnī (d. 739/1338). The authors of modern Arabic rhetoric, based on the methodological approaches of these two authors in their definitions and classifications of kināya, sometimes adopted the same approach as they were, and sometimes made some additions and criticisms by making original evaluations. For example, Qazvinî's لفظ أريد به لازم معناه مع جواز إرادة معناه حينئذ “(Original) meaning can be meant, but the necessary meaning is the word that is meant by it.” While some contemporary authors have taken the definition of kināya with the same words, some have added the phenomenon of clue to this definition. There is a similar situation in the classification of kināya, and while some authors have taken the categorization made by Sakkākī without making any changes, some authors have made various additions to this division. In the modern period covering the last century, many books have been written on Arabic rhetoric, and some of these books have come to the fore in Arab countries and our country. In this study, in the context of the subject of kināya, twelve of the Arabic rhetoric books written in the modern period were selected and the definitions and classifications of kināya in these books were examined. The aim of this study is to bring together and compare various perspectives on kināya in contemporary Arabic rhetoric books and to identify different approaches to the subject. (shrink)

Kişinin bazı yükümlülükleri uhdesinde barındırması için akıllı olması şarttır. Bu durum hem dinî hem de beşerî sistemlerde aynı şekildedir. Bu bağlamda Kur’an’da aklı kullanmaya vurgu yapan birçok ayet vardır. Her bir ayetin anlatmak istediği aklın nasıl kullanılacağına dair bir hakikat mevcuttur. Bu hakikatin ortaya çıkarılması ise ehil olan kişilerin izahlarıyla mümkün olacaktır. Öte yandan bu ayetlerin bağlamıyla birlikte değerlendirilmesi doğru bir anlamın ortaya çıkmasında önemli bir etkendir. Nitekim aynı ifadeler birçok ayette tekrar edilmesine rağmen her birinde farklı bir konuya temas (...) edilmektedir. Mesele aklî çerçevede Kur’an’ın ele alınmasıyla ilgili olduğu için konuyu dirayet tefsiri ekseninde değerlendirmek daha doğru olacaktır. O nedenle bu çalışmamızda aklî çıkarımlara çok fazla başvurulan Te’vîlâtü’l-Kur’ân ve Tefsîru’l-Menâr isimli iki tefsir bağlamında konunun değerlendirilmesi yapılacaktır. Yaşadıkları zaman dilimi birbirinden çok uzak olmasına rağmen her ki tefsirdeki müelliflerin meseleye bakışları arasında benzerliklerin çok olduğu görülmüştür. O nedenle ayetlerin verdiği mesajların farklı zamanlarda nasıl anlaşıldığı, ne gibi anlayış farklılıklarının oluştuğu, ortak noktaların neler olduğu bu çalışmada ortaya konmaya çalışılacaktır. (shrink)

The epistemic basic structure of a society consists of those institutions that have the greatest impact on individuals’ opportunity to obtain knowledge on questions they have an interest in as citizens, individuals, and public officials. It plays a central role in the production and dissemination of knowledge and in ensuring that people have the capability to assimilate this knowledge. It includes institutions of science and education, the media, search engines, libraries, museums, think tanks, and various government agencies. This article identifies (...) two demands of justice that apply specifically to the institutions that belong to it. First, the epistemic basic structure should serve all citizens fairly and reliably. It should provide them with the opportunity to acquire knowledge they need for their deliberations about the common good, their individual good, and how to pursue them. Second, the epistemic basic structure should produce and disseminate the knowledge that various experts and public officials need to successfully pursue justice and citizens need to effectively exercise their rights. After arguing for these duties, I discuss what policies follow from them and respond to the worry that these duties have illiberal implications. (shrink)