La donnée initiale de La Promesse est directement empruntée à Maigret tend un piège de Simenon. Mais cette histoire de piège cache une idée de sacrifice, chez Simenon lui-même, et bien plus encore chez Dürrenmatt. La Promesse apparaît alors comme une variation sur le récit du sacrifice d’Isaac tel que l’interprète Kierkegaard dans Crainte et tremblement. Le cœur de la méditation du philosophe danois, comme de la fiction de l’écrivain suisse, c’est l’absurde, qui pour Kierkegaard est salvateur, et donne son (...) sens suprême au geste d’Abraham, alors qu’il est pour Dürrenmatt le non-sens même, vouant l’homme à craindre et trembler sans espoir d’apaisement. (shrink)

Vous menez depuis plusieurs années des enquêtes sur le personnel politique en France, avec l’ambition de reconsidérer la notion de « professionnel » de la politique et par extension les ressorts d’une « professionnalisation » de la vie politique en France. Un point de départ, semble-t-il, de votre réflexion porte sur le fait que ces termes servent souvent (à l’instar du vocable péjoratif de « politicien » auquel ils se substituent souvent) à dévaloriser le personnel politique. Ils avaient pourtant été (...) conçus par les sciences sociales pour mettre à distance tout jugement de valeur à propos des élus. On pense bien sûr à Max Weber, mais aussi aux travaux fondateurs de Daniel Gaxie ou Jacques Lagroye, notamment. Comment vos propres travaux se situent-ils par rapport à la dimension normative inévitablement attachée à cet objet qu’est le « métier » de député? Il est vrai que je mène une critique des « professionnels de la politique », mais pas tout à fait dans le sens de celle qui domine... (shrink)

If citizens are to make enlightened collective decisions, they need to rely on true factual beliefs, but misinformation impairs their ability to do so. Although some cases of misinformation are deliberate and amount to propaganda, cases of inadvertent misinformation are just as problematic in affecting the beliefs and behavior of democratic citizens. A review of empirical evidence suggests that this is a serious problem that cannot entirely be corrected by means of deliberation.

Etienne Balibar, one of the foremost living French philosophers, builds on his landmark work 'Spinoza and Politics' with this exploration of Spinoza's ontology. Balibar situates Spinoza in relation to the major figures of Marx and Freud as a precursor to the more recent French thinker Gilbert Simondon's concept of the transindividual. Presenting a crucial development in his thought, Balibar takes the concept of transindividuality beyond Spinoza to show it at work at both the individual and the collective level.

We consider a two-patch epidemiological system where individuals can move from one patch to another, and local interactions between the individuals within a patch are governed by the classical SIRS model. When the time-scale associated with migration is much smaller than the time-scale associated with infection, aggregation methods can be used to simplify the initial complete model formulated as a system of ordinary differential equations. Analysis of the aggregated model then shows that the two-patch basic reproduction rate is smaller than (...) the 1 patch one. We extend this result to a linear chain of P patches . These results are illustrated by some examples for which numerical integration of the system of ordinary differential equations is performed. Simulations of an individual based model implemented with a multi-agent system are also carried out. (shrink)

In this final edition of his classic study of St. Thomas Aquinas, Etienne Gilson presents the sweeping range and organic unity of Thomistic philosophical thought. The philosophical thinking of Aquinas is the result of reason being challenged to relate to many theological conceptions of the Christian tradition. Gilson carefully reviews how Aquinas grapples with the relation itself of faith and reason and continuing through the existence and nature of God and His creation, the world and its creatures, especially human beings (...) with their power of intellect, will, and moral life. He concludes this study by discussing the life of people in society, along with their purpose and final destiny. Gilson demonstrates that Aquinas drew from a wide spectrum of sources in the development of his thought-from the speculations of the ancient Greeks such as Aristotle, to the Arabic and Jewish philosophers of his time, as well as from Christian writers and scripture. The Christian Philosophy of St. Thomas Aquinas offers students of philosophy and medieval studies an insightful introduction to the thought of Aquinas and the Scholastic philosophy of the Middles Ages, insights that are still revelant for today. (shrink)

First published in French in 2010, _Equaliberty_ brings together essays by Étienne Balibar, one of the preeminent political theorists of our time. The book is organized around _equaliberty_, a term coined by Balibar to connote the tension between the two ideals of modern democracy: equality and liberty. He finds the tension between these different kinds of rights to be ingrained in the constitution of the modern nation-state and the contemporary welfare state. At the same time, he seeks to keep rights (...) discourse open, eschewing natural entitlements in favor of a deterritorialized citizenship that could be expanded and invented anew in the age of globalization. Deeply engaged with other thinkers, including Arendt, Rancière, and Laclau, he posits a theory of the polity based on social relations. In _Equaliberty_ Balibar brings both the continental and analytic philosophical traditions to bear on the conflicted relations between humanity and citizenship. (shrink)

A collection of Essays over the last 20 years, exploring different dimensions of the philosophical debate on "subjecthood" and "subjectivity" in Modernity, as it was framed by the "Controversy on the subject" from the 1960's, and showing how it is now continued in a "controversy on the Universal.".

In a recent contribution to conceptual ethics, Joshua Habgood-Coote argues that philosophers should refrain from using the term “fake news,” which is commonly employed in public discussions focusing on the epistemic health of democracies. In this short discussion note, I take issue with this claim, discussing each of the three arguments advanced by Coote to support the conclusion that we should abandon this concept. First, I contend that although “fake news” is a contested concept, there is significant agreement among contemporary (...) philosophers about its key feature. Second, I argue against the claim that “fake news” is an unnecessary concept by underlying that it is not reducible to other terms we customarily use to describe the epistemic dysfunctions of democracies. Lastly, I suggest that using the term “fake news” need not serve propagandistic aims, and that philosophers can use this concept without engaging in epistemic policing, that is, commanding their interlocutors not to believe specific news stories or sources. (shrink)

Etienne Gilson Reason and Revelation in the Middle Ages, first delivered as the Richard Lectures in 1937, was published in 1938 and became an immediate success. Not only does it contribute to a major question of debate in Christian, Jewish, and Islamic philosophy and religion in the medieval period but it also insists on the validity of truth obtainable through reason as well as revelation, on rational argument alongside religious faith. This message is as important in the twenty-first century as (...) it was in the fourth century of the young Augustine, the thirteenth of St Thomas Aquinas, and the twentieth of the mature Gilson. (shrink)

Western European liberal democracies have recently enacted laws that prohibit the diffusion of fake news on social media. Yet, many consider that such laws are incompatible with freedom of expression. In this paper, I argue that democratic governments have strong pro tanto reasons to prohibit fake news, and that doing so is compatible with free speech. First, I show that fake news disrupts a mutually beneficial form of epistemic dependence in which members of the public are engaged with journalists. Second, (...) I contend that laws against fake news enhance rather than thwart personal autonomy. If these suggestions are plausible, then the same considerations about truth and autonomy that underpin the value of free speech give us reasons to prohibit fake news. (shrink)

**** A reprint of Gilson's estimable book of 1936 (Sheed and Ward) (endorsed by BCL3). These 20 lectures were delivered as Gifford Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR.

This paper presents the main directions of a new research project that centres on the paradox of the enunciation of the universal. Historical experience and the history of philosophy have made us highly sceptical towards the very possibility of enunciating the universal, yet the universal can be said to have become a fact of contemporary life, and the attempt at enunciating the universal remains an inescapable demand, in politics and notably in practice. Not to enunciate the universal is impossible, but (...) to enunciate it is untenable. Three directions of questioning emerge from this paradox. First, a rereading of Hegel helps us to study the conflict of universalities. Second, with Marx, we can revisit the problem of ideology, the relation between the enunciation of the universal and the idea of domination. And thirdly, by rereading texts by Freud on identification and ideality, we can revisit the relation of the universal to the idea of community, and the aporia of its deconstruction. (shrink)

As a contribution to the debate on the future of philosophy as an autonomous discipline beyond its current function within Western-type universities, a comparison is offered between three diverging strategies of “speaking the universal” which keep their relevance today; the “Double Truth” strategy for secular tolerance, illustrated by Spinoza and Wittgenstein; the construction of the universal as “hegemony,” analyzed by Hegel and Marx in terms of collective consciousnesses or ideologies; and the program of generalized translation as it emerges from the (...) critique of traditional “paradoxes of the untranslatable” in the works of contemporary socio-linguists and pragmatic philosophers. The conclusion remains an open questioning on the equivocity of the universal. (shrink)

A conclusion drawn after a conference devoted (in 1995) to the “arrow of time” was the following: “Indeed, it seems not a very great exaggeration to say that the main problem with “the problem of the direction of time” is to figure out exactly what the problem is supposed to be !” What does that mean? That more than 130 years after the work of Ludwig Boltzmann on the interpretation of irreversibility of physical phenomena, and that one century after Einstein’s (...) formulation of Special Relativity, we are still not sure what we mean when we talk of “time” or “arrow of time”. We shall try to show that one source of this difficulty is our tendency to confuse, at least verbally, time and becoming, i.e. the course of time and the arrow of time, two concepts that the formalisms of modern physics are careful to distinguish. (shrink)

étienne Balibar has been one of Europe's most important philosophical and political thinkers since the 1960s. His work has been vastly influential on both sides of the Atlantic throughout the humanities and the social sciences. In We, the People of Europe?, he expands on themes raised in his previous works to offer a trenchant and eloquently written analysis of "transnational citizenship" from the perspective of contemporary Europe. Balibar moves deftly from state theory, national sovereignty, and debates on multiculturalism and European (...) racism, toward imagining a more democratic and less state-centered European citizenship. Although European unification has progressively divorced the concepts of citizenship and nationhood, this process has met with formidable obstacles. While Balibar seeks a deep understanding of this critical conjuncture, he goes beyond theoretical issues. For example, he examines the emergence, alongside the formal aspects of European citizenship, of a "European apartheid," or the reduplication of external borders in the form of "internal borders" nurtured by dubious notions of national and racial identity. He argues for the democratization of how immigrants and minorities in general are treated by the modern democratic state, and the need to reinvent what it means to be a citizen in an increasingly multicultural, diversified world. A major new work by a renowned theorist, We, the People of Europe? offers a far-reaching alternative to the usual framing of multicultural debates in the United States while also engaging with these debates. (shrink)

Les sociétés découvrent leur vrai visage dès qu'on les observe depuis leurs marges. La figure du mendiant offre, de ce point de vue, un cas idéal. Personnage déclassé et toujours soupçonné d'être un parasite, le mendiant est victime de tous les préjugés, de toutes les violences. Dans la société grecque classique, il est l'anti-modèle de l'homme accompli, que définit son statut de propriétaire terrien, de chef de famille et de citoyen. Mais il en est en même temps le miroir et (...) le révélateur : il lui renvoie ses propres valeurs et ses propres défauts. A travers l'étude de cinq représentations littéraires et philosophiques du mendiant puisées chez Homère, Sophocle, Aristophane, Platon et les cyniques, Etienne Helmer montre comment ce personnage, objet de mépris et de suspicion, est toujours en même temps présenté comme le porte-parole de la vérité, aussi bien sur les plans éthique et politique que métaphysique et anthropologique. Cet ouvrage, le seul en langue française consacré à cette question, n'est pas destiné aux seuls spécialistes de l'Antiquité : il s'inscrit dans un champ de recherches plus large autour de l'une des questions centrales de notre temps. (shrink)

Quel rapport entre l'existence d'une oeuvre d'art et celle d'un être vivant? Entre l'existence de l'atome et celle d'une valeur comme la solidarité? Ces questions sont les nôtres à chaque fois qu'une réalité est instaurée, prend consistance et vient à compter dans nos vies, qu'il s'agisse d'un morceau de musique, d'un amour ou de Dieu en personne. Comme James ou Deleuze, Souriau défend méthodiquement la thèse d'un pluralisme existentiel. Il y a, en effet, différentes manières d'exister, et même différents degrés (...) ou intensités d'existence : des purs phénomènes aux choses objectivées, en passant par le virtuel et le " sur-existant " dont témoignent les œuvres de l'esprit ou de l'art, tout comme le fait même de la morale. L'existence est polyphonique, et le monde s'en trouve considérablement enrichi et élargi. Outre ce qui existe au sens ordinaire du terme, il faut compter avec toutes sortes d'états virtuels ou fugaces, de domaines transitionnels, de réalités ébauchées, en devenir, qui sont autant d'" intermondes ". Servi par une érudition stupéfiante qui lui permet de traverser d'un pas allègre toute l'histoire de la philosophie, Souriau donne les éléments d'une grammaire de l'existence. Mais son enquête se veut aussi une introduction à " la pratique de l'art d'exister ". A quoi nous attachons-nous précisément lorsque nous aimons un être? A quoi nous engageons-nous lorsque nous nous identifions à un personnage de roman, lorsque nous valorisons une institution ou adhérons à une théorie? Et finalement, quel(s) mode(s) d'existence(s) sommes-nous capables d'envisager et d'expérimenter pour nous-mêmes? Questions métaphysiques, questions vitales. Cette nouvelle édition est précédée d'une présentation d'Isabelle Stengers et Bruno Latour intitulée " Le sphinx de l'œuvre ". Elle inclut également un article d'Étienne Souriau, " Du mode d'existence de l'œuvre à faire " (1956). (shrink)

La mesure d'audience joue un rôle très important dans les décisions prises dans une chaîne comme TF1, qui ne vit que de la publicité. Nous faisons une télévision de la demande et le résultat d'audience exprime une forme de satisfaction du public. Toutefois, c'est un chiffre relatif, qui mesure l'état de la concurrence à un moment donné; un chiffre abstrait, qui moyenne des départs et des arrivées; et un chiffre rétrospectif, qui montre ce qui s'est passé mais ne dit pas (...) ce qu'il faudrait faire pour que cela marche. C'est pourquoi l'audience est d'une faible utilité pour concevoir les programmes. Il n'y a pas de renouvellement de la grille sans prise de risque. Les études peuvent nous aider à saisir des tendances, à confirmer des hypothèses. Mais l'intuition et l'expérience sont essentielles pour prendre la décision d'arrêter une émission ou d'essayer de l'améliorer, et pour créer de nouveaux programmes.Audience research plays a very important role in the decision making process at a channel like TFl whose only source revenue is advertising. The television we construct is based on demand and audience ratings express the levels of a kind of a public satisfaction. However, the ratings are relative since they also measure the state of the competition at any given time; they are abstract because they give an average of people switching on or off; and they are retrospective figures because they show what happened but give no suggestions as to how to make things work better. Therefore, audience ratings are of little use when it comes to new programme ideas. It is impossible to renew the schedule without taking risks. Surveys can help us to apprehend trends and corroborate existing hypotheses. But intuition and experience are essential factors in the decision making process when it comes to stopping a programme, attempting to improve a programme or coming up with new programme ideas. (shrink)

Kant’s discussion of the highest good is subject to continuous disagreement between the proponents of two interpretations of this concept. According to the secular interpretation, Kant conceived of the highest good as a political ideal which can be realized through human agency alone, albeit only from the Critique of the Power of Judgement onwards. By way of contrast, proponents of the theological interpretation find Kant’s treatment of the highest good in his later works to be wholly coherent with the discussions (...) of this concept found in the second Critique. In their view, however, Kant never conceived of the highest good as a political ideal, and some go as far as to argue that it is the work of God alone. In this article, I defend a theologico-political account of the highest good that avoids the pitfalls of both readings. (shrink)