In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Introduction to Dei Filius and Theology TodayAndrew MeszarosThe pandemic year of 2020 quickly torpedoed the modest intentions of formally reflecting on the contemporary significance of Dei Filius on its 150th anniversary. Nevertheless, the year's delay proved providential: in holding an online symposium, "Dei Filius and Theology Today," on April 22–24, 2021, the symposium was able to reach more participants than could have realistically travelled to Ireland, and was able (...) to end on April 24, the same day Pius IX promulgated the constitution 151 years ago.1In what follows, I lay out briefly the rationale for the commemoration and the publication of its proceedings.The "Spirit of Vatican I"Perhaps the most consistently disputed theological issue of the last fifty years has been the correct interpretation of the Second Vatican Council. The dispute is often but inaccurately pitched as a tension between the spirit and the letter of the Council. While such a distinction is valid (for one cannot hold that the Council's meaning is utterly exhausted by its texts, nor can one simply collapse the spirit into the text), and while debates over the interpretation of a council in its aftermath is not unique in the history [End Page 793] of the Church, and while it is not uncommon for historians to attribute something equivalent to a "spirit" or ethos to a given period in the history of the Church, it is noteworthy that few if any contemporary Catholic scholars (whether historians, philosophers, or theologians) seek to identify the "spirit of Vatican I," let alone do so in order to establish an ecclesiastical program or stake out a "direction" in which to move. Indeed, what would such a "spirit of Vatican I" look like?For some the spirit of Vatican I might best be encapsulated by the episcopal motto of Vatican II's killjoy, Cardinal Ottaviani: semper idem—"always the same." In that motto we find, allegedly, all the close-minded, ahistorical rigidity and complacency that Vatican II's spirit of openness, aggiornamento, and reform tried to overcome. Such a caricature of both Councils, however, seems to violate the hermeneutical principle taught by the bishops gathered at the extraordinary synod of 1985, for any aggiornamento or reform that moves outside established tradition is an aggiornamento or reform that separates the spirit from the letter of the Council.In the same way, it is not legitimate to separate the spirit and the letter of the [Second Vatican] Council. Moreover, the Council must be understood in continuity with the great tradition of the Church, and at the same time we must receive light from the Council's own doctrine for today's Church and the men of our time. The Church is one and the same throughout all the councils.2An erroneous understanding of a conciliar spirit as an ecclesiastical license for a theological free-for-all might cause one to question the language of "spirit" in relation to a council. But this statement by the bishops suggests that there is a legitimate (and illegitimate) way of attributing a "spirit" to a council. Rightly understood, the spirit of any council is an ethos or shared disposition, catalyzed by that council, according to which the Church seeks to move forward on her pilgrim journey through history—the temps de l'église—which will come to a halt only at the second coming of the Son. (One might say that history's councils are the smaller events that help guide the Church in her mission to communicate the fruits that stem from the ultimate event of salvation history: namely, the dual sending of the Son and the Spirit.) Their doctrinal teaching must be safeguarded (1 Tm 6:20) and their practical directives implemented. It is an ethos, stemming from [End Page 794] a particular historical event, that moves individuals and the Church as a whole to accomplish these tasks in accord with that event.3To the extent that a council addresses a variety of concerns, both temporal and eternal, the spirit of any council will involve contextually dependent and temporary stimuli (e.g., the Lateran Councils' spirit of reform in relation to clerical abuse), and more... (shrink)

In quest’articolo, articolo prenderò in esame i passi in cui Kant descrive la monadologia leibniziana come un “concetto platonico” del mondo, ossia come una descrizione del mondo intelligibile che non ha nulla a che vedere con la spiegazione del mondo fenomenico. In generale, vorrei mostrare che quest’interpretazione non va contrapposta a quella che lo stesso Kant aveva dato nella prima Critica, dove la monadologia era caratterizzata come un “sistema intellettuale del mondo”. Per fare ciò, risponderò a due domande. La prima (...) riguarda le ragioni che possono aver indotto Kant, in diverse occasioni, a presentare Leibniz come un precursore della teoria della soggettività dello spazio. La seconda riguarda il motivo per cui Kant associa costantemente la monadologia alla teoria platonica delle idee, mostrando come, in entrambi i casi, Kant intenda criticare qualsiasi possibilità di un transito dal mondo sensibile a quello intelligibile. Infine, cercherò di mostrare che, dietro questa lettura deflazionista della monadologia, c’è anche un’implicita autocritica alle tesi che Kant stesso ha sostenuto nella Dissertatio del 1770. (shrink)

Cet article propose une contribution théorique afin de penser la paix dans le champ de l’économie. Nous mettons en exergue que les conditions de pacification des relations socio-économiques demeurent en partie impensée par la discipline économique qui a pourtant consacré une part de ses analyses à la question de l’harmonie sociale. Codes JEL : A1, B13, B15, N01.

"Classée au sein de la morale et considérée à la fin du Moyen Âge comme une simple pratique, un art de gouverner, la politique ne pouvait prétendre proprement au titre de science, réservé aux savoirs purement théoriques. À la charnière entre les XIIIe et XIVe siècles, certains penseurs vont néanmoins chercher à donner un nouveau sens à la science civile en utilisant, à l'instar de Dante, des raisonnements démonstratifs dans leurs traités. Ce n'est pourtant qu'avec le Defénsor pacis de Marsile (...) de Padoue (1324) que cette discipline à la fois théorique et pratique parvient à s'extraire du domaine de l'art. En produisant un véritable discours de la méthode inspiré par la médecine, le Padouan rend ainsi possible la naissance de la science politique."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

This chapter discusses the analogy between bare possibles and imaginary numbers, developed by Leibniz during his Paris years. In this period, he came to realize that imaginary quantities are not impossible in themselves, but they cannot be geometrically represented, for they cannot be ordered within the number line. Similarly, he regarded actual things as belonging to a single ‘series of things’, where each member is connected to every other by relations of position and succession. Bare possibles, on the contrary, can (...) be placed nowhere in the series and, therefore, must be regarded as fictions (though reference to them is in a sense unavoidable, like the use of imaginary quantities in algebra). The young Leibniz does not extend the model of a ‘series of things’ to possibles, thus in this period he seems to reject the very idea of a plurality of possible worlds. (shrink)

Leibniz considered the Cartesian version of the ontological argument not as an inconsistent proof but only as an incomplete one: it requires a preliminary proof of possibility to show that the concept of ‘the most perfect being’ involves no contradiction. Leibniz raised this objection to Descartes’s proof already in 1676, then repeated it throughout his entire life. Before 1676, however, he suggested a more substantial objection to the Cartesian argument. I take into account a text written around 1671-72, in which (...) Leibniz considers the Cartesian proof as a paralogism and a petition of principle. I argue that this criticism is modelled on Gassendi’s objections to the Cartesian proof, and that Leibniz’s early rejection of the ontological argument has to be understood in the general context of his early philosophy, which was inspired by nominalist authors, such as Hobbes and Gassendi. Then, I take into account the reconsideration of the ontological argument in a series of texts of 1678, showing how Leibniz implicitly replies to the kind of criticism to the argument he himself shared in his earlier works. (shrink)

Ecological Immunology assumes that immunological defenses must be minimized in terms of cost (energy expenditure). To reach this goal, a complex and still largely unexplored strategy has evolved to assure survival. From invertebrates to vertebrates, an integrated immune–neuroendocrine response appears to be crucial for the hierarchical redistribution of resources within the body according to the specific ecological demands. Thus, on the basis of experimental data on the intimate relationship between stress and immune responses that has been maintained during evolution, we (...) argue that a broader perspective based on the integration of immune and neuroendocrine responses should be adopted to describe the comprehensive strategy that the body utilizes to adapt to dynamic environmental conditions. We discuss the hypothesis that a bow‐tie architecture might be suitable to describe the variety of immune–neuroendocrine inputs that continuously target cells and organs while, at the same time, fulfilling the basic requirement of minimizing the cost of immune–neuroendocrine responses. Bow‐tie architectures are able to convert a variety of stimuli (fan in) into a wide range of fine‐tuned responses (fan out) by passing through the integrating activity of a core (knot) constituted by a limited number of elements. Finally, we argue that the ecologically negotiated immune–neuroendocrine strategies may have deleterious effects in the post‐reproductive period of life when, at least in humans, chronic, low‐grade, systemic inflammation develops, in accordance with the antagonistic pleiotropy theory of aging. BioEssays 30:868–874, 2008. © 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. (shrink)

The idea of economic peace is a “counterpoint” to a warlike view of the economy. Viewing things in terms of economic peace makes it possible to develop a different economic anthropology. The idea of economic peace is used to think about a fundamental revision of the relationships to self and between actors. It sits at the intersection of peace studies, social and cognitive psychology, institutional conventionalist approaches, postmodernist philosophy and sinology. By employing the inchoate concept of economic peace, this article (...) explores the opportunity to extend and deepen the relationship between individual and collective responsibility. The article describes individual and collective practices or avenues which could be useful when reacting to complex situations. (shrink)

This paper proposes a critical edition of Leibniz's "Annotatiunculae subitaneae ad librum de Christianismo Mysteriis carente" (1701), together with an Italian translation, and an introductory essay where I discuss the genesis of the text on the background of Leibniz's criticism of Locke's "way of ideas", and focus on Leibniz's taxonomy of the different meanings of "natural" and "supernatural".

Le problème de l'embryon constitue au Moyen âge un paradigme problématique capable de "migrer" d'un domaine thématique à l'autre. L'embryologie transmise par la double tradition galénique et aristotélicienne étudie les rôles respectifs de la matière féminine et de la forme masculine dans la génération, posant le problème d'une matière capable de développer elle-même ses propres changements de forme, et suscitant les débats entre les positions d'Albert le Grand et de saint Thomas. La question strictement biologique du développemet de l'embryon s'enrichit (...) ainsi d'enjeux logiques (la continuité de la génération est indispensable pour penser l'unité du genre), métaphysiques (si la matière est genre, le principe masculin n'est plus qu'une différenciation du genre, ce qui conduit à renverser le primat de la forme). Enfin ce déplacement de paradigme peut également se poursuivre en politique, comme au siècle suivant avec Marsile de Padoue : l'embryon est une question mobile. (shrink)

We edited and translated a so far unpublished manuscript ("Sur la generation des insectes et d'autres petits animaux") drafted by Leibniz in 1714. The text is written on the same paper of the first draft of the "Monadology" and, as we show, there is a connection between these two texts of the late Leibniz, as far as in the "Monadology" , the rejection of the traditional theory of the spontaneous generation of small animals (like insects) is considered by Leibniz as (...) a posteriori confirmation of his preformist theory. In addition to that, this piece shows that Leibniz was deeply influenced by the experimental results in biology and natural sciences, and, especially, by the works of Italian scientits of the Galilean tradition, like Francesco Redi and Antonio Vallisneri. (shrink)

Much light can be shed on events which characterize or underlie scandals at firms such as Enron, Arthur Andersen, Worldcom, ImClone, and Tyco by appealing to the notion of ethical distance. Various inquiries have highlighted the difficulties in finding or identifying particular individuals to blame for particular events, and in the context of situations as complex as these it can sometimes be helpful to investigate the comparative ethical distance of various participants in these events. In this essay I offer a (...) characterization of ethical distance in terms of moral responsibility, and in doing so I describe and illustrate the rough inverse correlation between moral distance and degrees of moral responsibility. I urge that the concept of ethical distance is capable of shedding light upon situations in which several people are involved in bringing about a state of affairs. I then argue that moral responsibility cannot do justice to all situations involving ethical distance. When the distance between a person and a state of affairs grows sufficiently large, a different type of treatment is called for, and I introduce the notion of moral taint to describe the moral status of agents in these situations. (shrink)

It is argued that Hempel's original rejection of the prediction criterion of confirmation in [8] (on the grounds that it leads to a circular definition of confirmation) was ill-conceived, and that his own approach exhibits undesirable consequences to the degree that it deviates from this criterion. A version of the prediction criterion is formulated which, in addition to being-non circular, escapes the criticisms advanced against Hempel's satisfaction criterion, offers certain clear advantages over alternative approaches, and may serve as the basis (...) for a theory of qualitative confirmation. The definition of confirmation developed here violates two of Hempel's three criteria of adequacy, and in showing why it should do so some light is shed on various issues in the debate concerning the acceptability of these criteria. (shrink)

The age of maturity of children to consent for medical research is under debate, as different authorities regard the capacity of young teenagers as either satisfactory or not to grant consent without parental participation in the process. The present paper contrasts the generally accepted guideline for ethics in paediatric research in Canada with what the same children are allowed and expected to be able to do as babysitters. This comparison reveals deep incongruences in the way the maturity of the same (...) children is appreciated for two different tasks. (shrink)