The paper's aim is to tackle some significant challenges faced by democratic theory in plurinational societies. Claims to recognition challenge the assumption of a ‘people speaking in one voice’ and therefore, some basic tenets of liberal democracy. In a context where one cannot assume anymore a homogeneous demos, it is tempting to believe that there may be an independent, yet democratic, principle that may help us to solve the problem of the ‘constitution of the demos.’ Goodin argues that the all-affected (...) interests principle is in fact the best principle of inclusion in democratic decision-making. Yet I argue that the all-affected interests principle is not really useful, at least as a starting point. But if this is so, and if the picture underlying modern democratic theory is seriously undermined by claims to recognition, how are the communities to which self-rule necessarily relates to be bounded? (shrink)

Rawls symbolise les niveaux de raisonnement moral public et non public par l'utilisation des notions de raisonnable et de rationnel. Dans le contexte du pluralisme raisonnable qui caractérise les sociétés démocratiques libérales, il propose une articulation de ces notions qui doit permettre aux citoyens d'adhérer à leurs propres conceptions générales du bien sans pour autant compromettre l'existence d'une conception commune de la justice. R vise à articuler doctrines particulières et conception commune de façon à laisser la place à l'expression des (...) convictions personnelles des individus sans par ailleurs donner une signification égoïste à l'association politique. Cependant, lorsque Rawls précise le contenu de cette conception commune de la justice et la motivation des individus à y adhérer, il menace dangereusement la spécificité morale qu'il accorde en principe à la notion de raisonnable, symbole de cette raison publique, commune, partagée par les citoyens. Après avoir démontré cette difficulté, je souligne en conclusion deux raisons qui y contribuent, soit d'une part la prétention de Rawls de définir un libéralisme strictement politique et d'autre part la difficulté d'articuler une conception cohérente et acceptable de la motivation morale.Rawls uses the notions of the reasonable et the rational to symbolise two levels of moral reasoning : a public one and a non-public one. Reasonable pluralism characterizes liberal democratic societies ; in this context, Rawls looks for a specific articulation of public reason and non- public reasons which could allow citizens to pursue their own conception of the good without compromising the adoption of a common standpoint. Rawls thus wants to link the common point of view of public reason with the comprehensive doctrines citizens defend so as to let them free to build on their own conception, without the political association being reduced to a mere modus Vivendi of egoist people. (shrink)

La philosophie de Charles Taylor a récemment fait l'objet de plusieurs critiques mettant en question tant l'ontologie morale proposée par Taylor que le modèle politique qu'elle soutient. Par exemple, O. Flanagan a souligné les difficultés posées par le fait de concevoir les agents moraux comme devant nécessairement procéder à des évaluations fortes. D. Weinstock a défendu l'idée que les institutions politiques libérales que critique Taylor sont en réalité plus propices au développement de cette capacité d'évaluation forte que la poursuite d'un (...) bien commun par le biais des institutions politiques dont les communautaristes sont généralement vus comme les défenseurs. Pour sa part, Will Kymlicka a soutenu que contrairement à ce qu'affirme Taylor, la philosophie morale contemporaine ne nie pas l'existence de distinctions qualitatives et qu'elle centre la moralité sur le respect des besoins des autres pour permettre à chacun de réaliser son intérêt prémoral pour la bonne vie. (shrink)

The idea that liberal democratic legitimacy presupposes the final authority of the state in solving the juridictional boundary question depends upon the argument according to which Westphalian sovereignty has evolved in a liberal democratic direction. From this point of view, sovereignty is internally limited by liberal democratic principles. However, I argue that it is rather public politics, more than Westphalian sovereignty, that has been transformed, in liberal states, and that hence, there is an enduring tension between democratic legitimacy and state (...) sovereignty. (shrink)

Le grand mérite de cette traduction est de finalement mettre à la disposition des lecteurs, en français, un certain nombre d’essais éclairant le fil conducteur d’une œuvre complexe et diversifiée. Philippe de Lara souligne à juste titre qu’il faut trouver le sens de cette œuvre dans la critique de ce que Taylor désigne comme «la tradition épistémologique», et que cette entreprise procède par un mode d’enquête particulier, les arguments transcendantaux, articulation à la fois conceptuelle et historique de l’identité moderne. Cette (...) critique de la tradition épistémologique vise principalement la compréhension particulière de la faculté d’agir qu’elle véhicule ; elle s’adresse à l’imaginaire moderne que ces philosophies, issues de l’empirisme et du cartésianisme, ont contribué à forger. Trois thèmes de l’anthropologie philosophique de Taylor sont présentés comme particulièrement centraux, ici: la «philosophie de l’expression», la notion d’interprétation, et la notion d’évaluation forte. Le premier thème implique l’inséparabilité entre la signification et son support, ainsi que le caractère constitutif de l’expression; le deuxième réfère tant à la conception de l’individu comme «self-interpreting animal» qu’à l’idée d’une commensurabilité des interprétations ; le troisième désigne la considération d’un bien irréductible à une définition à partir des préférences de l’agent. L’objectivité des valeurs et l’affirmation de la commensurabilité des fins impliquent que la pratique herméneutique des sciences humaines ne nous condamne pas au relativisme, danger contre lequel Taylor nous met régulièrement en garde. Notons que si les essais choisis illustrent relativement bien les deux premiers thèmes, le troisième est presque absent du recueil. (shrink)

The importance of research on the notion of trust has grown considerably in the social sciences over the last three decades. Much has been said about the decline of political trust in democracies and intense debates have occurred about the nature and complexity of the relationship between trust and democracy. Political trust is usually understood as trust in political institutions, trust between citizens, and to a lesser extent, trust between groups. However, the literature on trust has given no special attention (...) to the issue of trust between minority and majority nations in multinational democracies – countries that are not only multicultural but also constitutional associations containing two or more nations or peoples whose members claim to be self-governing and have the right of self-determination. This volume, part of the work of the Groupe de recherche sur les sociétés plurinationales, is a comparative study of trust, distrust, and mistrust in multinational democracies, centring on Canada, Belgium, Spain, and the United Kingdom. Beliefs, attitudes, practices, and relations of trust, distrust, and mistrust are studied as situated, interacting, and coexisting phenomena that change over time and space. Contributors include Dario Castiglione, Jérôme Couture, Kris Deschouwer, Jean Leclair, Patti Tamara Lenard, Niels Morsink, Geneviève Nootens, Darren O’Toole, Alexandre Pelletier, Réjean Pelletier, Philip Resnick, David Robichaud, Peter Russell, Richard Simeon, Dave Sinardet, and Jeremy Webber. (shrink)

There are nationalisms and nationalisms, and as nationalisms vary from barbarous and murderous to benign and, all things considered, perhaps desirable, so theories of nationalism vary from irrational or turgid metaphysical accounts to reasonable and carefully articulated and argued theories of nationalism. André Van de Putte has well described some of the former while David Miller, Yael Tamir, Geneviève Nootens, Ross Poole, and Robert X. Ware have carefully argued for some modest forms of nationalism, sometimes explicitly and sometimes only (...) by implication. But there are also, as the reader will have seen, forcefully argued and systematic theories setting themselves against even the most sophisticated and plausible defences of nationalism. The articles of Harry Brighouse, Omar Dahbour, and Andrew Levine fall explicitly into that category and, we would argue, so does Allen Buchanan's carefully wrought article, though implicitly and by implication but not by programmatic intent. (shrink)

The concept of constituent power plays a major part in modern political and legal theory- in how we think about the political. This book tackles the twofold issue of public authority and public autonomy in the modern conception of the political by analysing the notion of constituent power, its function in the modern political apparatus, and debates about its meaning and function in our own context. Focusing on contemporary debates on constitutionalism "beyond" the state, Geneviève Nootens assesses the (...) prospects for recasting the notion of constituent power in a polycentric setting that challenges state sovereignty as embodying the autonomy of the political. In doing so, she argues that constituent power belongs with the conceptual apparatus of a theory of government peculiar to a statist way of knowing, and being into, the world, and that it is too much dependent upon the statist framework for it to have critical purchase on new mappings of public authority. Nootens stresses the critical need to frame public authority appropriately if we are to conceptualize a conception of collective political agency that can sustain public autonomy in the current era. Constituent Power Beyond the State will be of interest to students and scholars of political theory, democratic theory, law, and constitutionalism. (shrink)

This new edition of Genevieve Lloyd's classic study of the maleness of reason in philosophy contains a new introduction and bibliographical essay assessing the book's place in the explosion of writing and gender since 1984.

“Modern slavery,” a term used to describe severe forms of labor exploitation, is beginning to spark growing interest within business and society research. As a novel phenomenon, it offers potential for innovative theoretical and empirical pathways to a range of business and management research questions. And yet, development into what we might call a “field” of modern slavery research in business and management remains significantly, and disappointingly, underdeveloped. To explore this, we elaborate on the developments to date, the potential drawbacks, (...) and the possible future deviations that might evolve within six subdisciplinary areas of business and management. We also examine the value that nonmanagement disciplines can bring to research on modern slavery and business, examining the connections, critiques, and catalysts evident in research from political science, law, and history. These, we suggest, offer significant potential for building toward a more substantial subfield of research. (shrink)

The sociology of science has shown that the scientific quest for truth, framed by the search for objectivity was granting objects of knowledge the form of independent and autonomous things, “data” already given and preexisting their observation. But do “real” objects only fit the form of data or things? If not, to which other form and objectivity do they fit? The author considers the question by examining the dispute between scientists and vintners on the issue of terroir, a complex combination (...) of viticulture and wine-making practices and agro-climactic factors, which gives wines a particular taste, or terroir typicity. For scientists who are unable to reduce it to a stable list of determining factors, terroir is an unfounded notion, an imaginary social construction, and an economic barrier. Producers, on the other hand, along with the wider distribution network of terroir wines, consider terroir as a real object, although one whose manifestations cannot be evaluated using the same procedures as those of scientists. By analyzing how proof of terroir is implemented, the author uncovers a regime of existence of objects different from the scientific regime: a pluralist one governed by critical discussion from which objects emerge as distributed results of a production process. (shrink)

Based on archival and ethnographic data, this article analyzes the iconic-making, iconoclastic unmaking, and iconographic remaking of national identifications. The window into these processes is the career of Saint John the Baptist, patron saint of French Canadians and national icon from the mid-nineteenth century until 1969, when his statue was destroyed by protesters during the annual parade in his honor in Montréal. Relying on literatures on visuality and materiality, I analyze how the saint and his attending symbols were deployed in (...) processions, parades, and protests. From this analysis, I develop the sociological concept of aesthetic revolt, a process whereby social actors rework iconic symbols, redefining national identity in the process. The article offers a theoretical articulation and an empirical demonstration of how the context, content, and the form of specific cultural objects and symbols—national icons—are intertwined in public performance to produce eventful change, and shows why and how the internal material logic and the social life of these icons shape the articulation of new national identities. (shrink)

We should seek to justify, from a moral perspective, policies associated with serious and irreversible risks to the health of human beings, their societies, and the environment for these risks may have great impacts on the autonomy of both existing and future persons. The ideal of discursive democracy provides a way of morally justifying such policies to both existing and future persons. It calls for the inclusive, informed, and uncoerced deliberation toward an agreement of both existing and future persons, which (...) can serve as a justificatory basis for such public policies. This agreement best protects their fundamental interests and basic needs, and garners their general acceptance. It does so by upholding their agency in decision-making processes and, more specifically, by counseling a maxim of precaution in their public reasoning. The aim of this maxim is to protect the social and environmental conditions that will enable members of existing and future generations to review and, if necessary, revise decisions made in the past but that impact upon them in the present. Precautionary public reasoning thus serves to uphold the decisional agency of existing and future persons, which is a necessary condition of their democratic involvement in the policies that affect them and thus of their autonomous existence defined by their conceptions of the good. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Genevieve Lloyd THE SELF AS FICTION: PHILOSOPHY AND AUTOBIOGRAPHY And so it goes on. All the time I'm dressing up the figure of myself in my own mind, lovingly, stealthily, not openly adoring it, for if I did that, I should catch myself out, and stretch my hand at once for a book in self-protection. Indeed it is curious how instinctively one protects the image of oneself from idolatry (...) or any other handling that could make it ridiculous, or too unlike the original to be believed in any longer. Or is it not so very curious at all? It is a matter of great importance. Suppose the looking-glass smashes, the image disappears, and the romantic figure with the green of forest depths all about it is there no longer, but only that shell of a person which is seen by other people — what an airless, shallow, bald, prominent world it becomes! A world not to be lived in. Virginia Woolf, "The Mark on the WaIl" ' The anxiety Virginia Woolf describes is, at one level, a familiar, everyday one of self-esteem. But the passage can also be read as expressing a more metaphysical unease about our conception ofwhat it is to be a self at all. Our difficulties in preventing the "romantic figure with the green of forest depuis all about it" from collapsing back into mat "shell of a person which is seen by other people" have philosophical roots. We have inherited ideals of objective knowledge which put severe restraints on the capacity to construct our selves as fictions. Our selves are part ofthe world and our representations of mem must conform to standards of truth. Yet we also want to separate our selves out from the world we know. As a knowing self, I am not merely an object of knowledge, but its luminous, though elusive, source and structuring center. My subjectivity seems to give me a special status in the world. But it is difficult to see how mat special status is to be reconciled with ideals of objective knowledge. As Thomas Nagel sums up the philosophical dilemma, in Mortal Questions, we are impelled, on the one hand, to resist an entirely "external" view ofwhat we most essentially are and do. But this sense ofour irreduci168 Genevieve Lloyd169 ble subjectivity comes up against an equally strong drive to include human beings and everything about diem as contents of a world mat can be understood "objectively." Our awareness of ourselves involves a sense of how the world is experienced from a particular point of view. But this idea of what the world is like from different points of view is at odds with our inherited ideals ofknowledge. To qualify as real, diings must be there independendy of particular points of view. Objectivity demands setting aside the "internal" viewpoint in an attempt to see die world, as it were, from no point of view at all. Yet we do feel mat our awareness of being ourselves cannot be reduced to the awareness of being the particular persons with the determinate properties we have, there to be perceived from perspectives not our own.2 As Arthur Prior puts the point, in his paper "Identifiable Individuals," an exchange of properties between Julius Caesar and Mark Antony might leave the world looking exacdy the same to us, but certainly not to Caesar or Antony. The experience of being called Julius Caesar or being murdered on me ides of March are very different experiences from being called Mark Antony or dallying on the Nile with Cleopatra.3 This seems to suggest mat my awareness ofbeing myself cannot be equated wim awareness of being some person with a determinate set of properties. It was, of course, precisely that kind of consideration which prompted Descartes, in the Meditations, to postulate the self as a pure ego, which remains the same regardless ofany imagined change in outer circumstances. It is the thought experiment of shedding all his actual properties which prompts him to treat the self as a special kind of object, immune to the fluctuations and uncertainties that afflict others. But, as Bernard Williams has pointed out, in his article "Imagination and... (shrink)

Spinoza's doctrine of the uniqueness of substance has been interpreted as absorbing individual self-consciousness into an all-embracing whole.

Hoerl & McCormack claim that the temporal updating system only represents the world as present. This generates puzzles regarding the phenomenology of temporal experience. We argue that recent models of reinforcement learning suggest that temporal updating must have a minimal temporal structure; and we suggest that this helps to clarify what it means to experience the world as temporally structured.

A renewed approach to democratic ethics is needed, one that takes into consideration the management of complexity and memory in a global world. The expansion of democratic ethics for the stewardship of a postnational, postmetaphysical, and postsecular world is the object of this book. It takes as its point of departure current proposals for global democratic justice, but extends these by incorporating contemporary European ideas on border and existential ethics. The privilege of democratic citizenship includes our conscious involvement with our (...) historical destinies, and with others whom we inevitably encounter on our journey of contemporary politics. A post-heroic approach to democratic ethics, one which takes violence and injustice seriously, yet understands the constraints posed on us as historical beings, is necessary. The practices of civility, such as they arise from a normative democratic universe and the ever-increasing role of civil society, can be harnessed for a transborder ethics. The examination of a contemporary democratic anthropology that includes a phenomenology of violence further clarifies the importance of intersubjective processes of encounter, dialogue, and recognition. (shrink)

Journal Name: Semiotica - Journal of the International Association for Semiotic Studies / Revue de l'Association Internationale de Sémiotique Volume: 2013 Issue: 196 Pages: 57-77.

Pratiques des rencontres et réflexion théologique s’interrogent et se fécondent mutuellement. Ainsi existe-t-il deux dialogues : le dialogue entre croyants de différentes religions, d’une part, où il peut y avoir interférence du théologique, mais pas toujours, le vivre ensemble étant souvent à l’origine ; et, d’autre part, le dialogue théologique au sein des communautés chrétiennes, dialogue suscité par l’existence du pluralisme religieux et donc la question de son interprétation. Sans ignorer la complexité des réalités, G. Comeau, s’appuyant sur son expérience (...) et sa compétence, précise dans quel cadre conceptuel elle fait intervenir les rencontres et ce qu’on peut en attendre pour la réflexion théologique.Encounters and theological reflection question each other and are mutually enriching. Thus there are two dialogues: the dialogue between believers of different religions, on the one hand, where there may sometimes but not always be theological overlap, due to living together; and, on the other hand, theological dialogue within Christian communities, a dialogue brought about by the existence of religious pluralism and hence the issue of its interpretation. Without ignoring the complexity of some realities, G. Comeau, relying on her experience and competence, shows precisely in what conceptual framework it involves encounters and what one can expect from them for theological reflection. (shrink)

This article examines a neglected dimension of Bazin's work, namely his writings for the daily newspaper Le Parisien libéré. Four key points emerge from this corpus. First, Bazin goes beyond the film-reviewing norms of the day to analyse the intentions and achievements of the film-makers. Second, Bazin foregrounds the capacity of cinema to address the concerns of contemporary society. Third, as a result, he ascribes a particular value to films that actively engage with the new social realities of post-war France. (...) Four, Bazin remains blind to the misogynistic dimension of post-war French cinema, with its tendency to culpabilize women for the national disgrace of the Occupation. Ultimately, Bazin's newspaper reviewing represents a more socially aware vision of cinema than that promoted by more specialized cinema journals, yet his criticism remains caught within the gender ideology of his time. (shrink)