At the end of 2003, on the eve of Christmas, French President Jacques Chirac delivered a keynote address on "secularism as a fundamental principle of the Republic" in the Elysee Palace before the Prime Minister, heads of assembly, ministers and members of parliament. The President's speech aroused considerable interest not only in France but also around the world, as it touched upon a very urgent problem in many countries - the relationship between the Church and the State.

Après son étude exemplaire sur le discours de gauche et de droite pendant l’entre-deux-guerres dans le champ de la lexicométrie appliquée à un très grand corpus, Damon Mayaffre élargit notre horizon méthodologique, en matière de lexicologie quantitative, par une approche logométrique du discours d’un homme politique, Jacques Chirac, qu’il met en perspective au sein du discours présidentiel entre 1958 et 2003. La logométrie s’entend ici comme un ensemble de traitements documentaires et statist...

It is frequently said that we are living through the end of politics, the end of social upheavals, the end of utopian folly. Consensual realism is the order of the day. But political realists, remarks Jacques Ranciere, are always several steps behind reality, and the only thing which may come to an end with their dominance is democracy. 'We could', he suggests, 'merely smile at the duplicity of the conclusion/suppression of politics which is simultaneously a suppression/conclusion of philosophy.' This (...) is precisely the task which Ranciere undertakes in these subtle and perceptive essays. He argues persuasively that since Plato and Aristotle politics has always constructed itself as the art of ending politics, that realism is itself utopian, and that what has succeeded the polemical forms of class struggle is not the wisdom of a new millennium but the return of old fears, criminality and chaos. Whether he is discussing the confrontation between Mitterrand and Chirac, French working-class discourse after the 1830 revolution, or the ideology of recent student mobilizations, his aim is to restore philosophy to politics and give politics back its original and necessary meaning: the organization of dissent. (shrink)

Spectacular developments in technology pose new questions for an old discipline like moral philosophy, as we have seen with all the questions regarding medical ethics. The physician-patient relationship is certainly not a new question, since it was already addressed in the Hippocratic oath, but we see that the new possibilities opened up by advances in medical technology place other questions before us. I would like to ask some ethical questions based on my professional activity as an engineer specialized in factory (...) design.The thesis which I will defend is the following: the scale of technological decisions has changed, both in space — they affect more people — and in time — they often have irreversible consequences. Nevertheless, those who make the decisions are human beings, and their actions can be criticized by moral philosophy1 just like any other human actions. Yet such a criticism cannot be carried out without the mediation of analytical tools adapted to the scope of such decisions, namely the various social sciences which describe the technical, political, economic and cultural dimensions of such decisions. This mediation should enable philosophers to discern the ethical consequences of these decisions, and the professionals to exercise their responsibility more effectively.To illustrate this thesis, I am going to speak not as a philosopher, but as an engineer, which means that I will discuss something concrete: the controversy surrounding the Superphoenix nuclear reactor, which has lasted thirty years and reached the highest levels of the French state. The controversy has lasted for thirty years because the nuclear installation at Creys Malville was conceived in the Sixties, constructed in the Seventies, started up in the Eighties, tested for a scientific project in the Nineties, and will doubtlessly be dismantled in the next decade.The controversy is a deeply political one, for the Superphoenix was conceived by the CEA in order to have French technology following the abandonment of the graphite-gas line of reactors. Construction was finalized in line with the Messmer plan which had financed the construction of five or six reactors a year from 1974 to 1981. Placing Superphoenix on line gave rise to various legal challenges which were settled by the Council of State. Recommissioning was decided by Pierre Beregovoy on the recommendation of the minister of research. Dismantling is a bone of contention between Lionel Jospin and Jacques Chirac.There are few technical devices that can boast of such treatment by the French and even international media, few technical devices whose name is so deeply inscribed in every political platform, and few whose fate depends on the outcome of so impassioned a debate. What can a philosophical discipline say about a matter so complex and politically charged?I think that ethics can make a contribution on two levels: it can allow for discussion about an overall judgement on the sense of such a venture; it can also shed some critical light on the decision procedures which led to the construction of the installation. (shrink)

Cet article propose une analyse des traductions roumaines, parues dans les quotidiens de Roumanie, de trois séquences extraites de la conférence de presse donnée par Jacques Chirac le 17 février 2003, lorsque la « mini-crise » irakienne provoquée par l'alignement des pays est-européens, parmi lesquels la Roumanie, sur les positions américaines, battait son plein. Les traducteurs étant en même temps les auteurs des éditoriaux où sont insérées ces traductions, la fidélité au texte source est lourdement mise à mal. (...) Tiraillé entre deux désirs contradictoires, d'une part, la fidélité au texte source, de l'autre, le désir de venir au devant de ses récepteurs, le traducteur finit par faire le deuil de l'éthique de sa profession.This article provides an analysis of Romanian translations, published in newspapers in Romania, three sequences extracted from the press conference given by Jacques Chirac on 17 February 2003, when the "mini-crisis" caused by Iraqi aligning country -Europe, including Romania, the U.S. position, in full swing. Translators same time being the authors of the editorial are inserted where these translations, fidelity to the source text is heavily undermined. Torn between two conflicting desires, on the one hand, fidelity to the source text, the other, the desire to come to the front of its receptors, the translator finally mourn the ethics of his profession. (shrink)

On March 15, 2006, French President Jacques Chirac signed into law an amendment to his country's education statute, banning the wearing of conspicuous signs of religious affiliation in public schools. Prohibited items included a large cross, a veil, or skullcap. The ban was expressly introduced by lawmakers as an application of the principle of government neutrality, du principe de laïcité. Opponents of the law viewed it primarily as an intolerant assault against the hijab, a head and neck wrap (...) worn by many Muslim women around the world. In Politics of the Veil, Professor Joan Wallach Scott offers an illuminating account of the significance of the hijab in France. Scott's lucid, compact examination of the hijab complements previous feminist scholarship on veiling with a close look at its role in a particular time and place - contemporary France - where it has been the subject matter of a unique political discourse. How different is America's political discourse surrounding religious symbols in the schools as compared to the French? I offer a U.S. constitutional perspective on the rights of religious minorities and women in the public schools, and suggest that a ban on the hijab must be considered unconstitutional. A proposal for a national rule against the hijab in public schools or universities would fall flat in the United States. When compared to U.S. approaches to the hijab, the French experience examined by Joan Wallach Scott underscores an important point: there is more than one way to be a modern, multicultural western liberal democracy with a Muslim population, and some ways are better than others. (shrink)

Writings by Negri on the brief thaw in the cold winter of neoliberalism, Thatcherism, Reaganomics, and counterrevolution. Automation and information technology have transformed the organization of labor to such an extent that the processes of exploitation have moved beyond the labor class and now work upon society as a whole. If this displacement has destroyed the political primacy of the labor class, it has not, however, eliminated exploitation; rather, it has broadened it, implanting it within the given conditions of the (...) most diverse spheres of society. —from The Winter Is Over In late 1995, in opposition to the conservative agenda of Jacques Chirac and his prime minister Alain Juppé and their proposed widespread welfare cuts, French students rose up against their government; public sector workers, together with all the major trade unions, went on strike. When railway workers and Paris Metro personnel joined in the protests, France's public transportation system came to a halt. These extensive social upheavals, the likes of which had not been seen in France since 1968, found widespread public support and fuelled the creation of many political organizations. Chirac backed down from restructuring the public retirement system. Antonio Negri's The Winter is Over comes out of the glimmer of optimism created by the events of 1995, when the long, cold season of neoliberalism, Thatcherism, Reaganomics, reaction, and counterrevolution appeared to have run its course. Published in Italian in 1996, The Winter is Over brings together a series of articles, speeches, and other documents written by Negri between 1989 and 1995 at the threshold of this thaw. It offers a revealing and wide-reaching account of those years of change and brink-of-change, focusing on such topics as the networks of social production, the decline of “limp thought,” the end of applied socialism, the Gulf War, and, finally, Italy's transition to its so-called “Second Republic,” as seen by an exile. (shrink)

During the past year, the European integration process steadily continued along familiar as well as less familiar paths. This contribution gives an overview of the core decisions made within the three pillars of the European construction in the year 2000. Although the vast majority of these decisions were closely linked to the approaching Eastern enlargement of the European Union, new avenues have been followed during the past year as well. The debate about the finality of the European integration process gained, (...) by way ofspeeches of European leaders like Joschka Fischer, Jacques Chirac, Tony Blair and Guy Verhofstadt, fifty years after the Schuman declaration, a new momentum. (shrink)

Automation and information technology have transformed the organization of labor to such an extent that the processes of exploitation have moved beyond the labor class and now work upon society as a whole. If this displacement has destroyed the political primacy of the labor class, it has not, however, eliminated exploitation; rather, it has broadened it, implanting it within the given conditions of the most diverse spheres of society. -- from The Winter Is Over In late 1995, in opposition to (...) the conservative agenda of Jacques Chirac and his prime minister Alain Juppé and their proposed widespread welfare cuts, French students rose up against their government; public sector workers, together with all the major trade unions, went on strike. When railway workers and Paris Metro personnel joined in the protests, France's public transportation system came to a halt. These extensive social upheavals, the likes of which had not been seen in France since 1968, found widespread public support and fuelled the creation of many political organizations. Chirac backed down from restructuring the public retirement system. Antonio Negri's _T_he Winter is Over comes out of the glimmer of optimism created by the events of 1995, when the long, cold season of neoliberalism, Thatcherism, Reaganomics, reaction, and counterrevolution appeared to have run its course. Published in Italian in 1996, _The Winter is Over_ brings together a series of articles, speeches, and other documents written by Negri between 1989 and 1995 at the threshold of this thaw. It offers a revealing and wide-reaching account of those years of change and brink-of-change, focusing on such topics as the networks of social production, the decline of "limp thought," the end of applied socialism, the Gulf War, and, finally, Italy's transition to its so-called "Second Republic," as seen by an exile. (shrink)

The opposition between constraint and free necessity leads Spinoza's commentators to conceive of ethical liberation as a reconciliation with one's self against alienations due to external causes, and to confuse constraint with contrariety. Analysis of the word coactus in Spinoza's works shows that finite modes can't exist and can't free themselves without constraints, which are not always a source of contrariety. Such an analysis is close to those of Émile Durkheim and Pierre Bourdieu.

Explains how each word carries an energy that increases or decreases our energy level and how our choice of words creates our reality. Offers tables for converting the negative to the positive and shows which words to use to change our lives for the better. Shares healing words in mantras, guided relaxation, and chants as well as a writing technique that brings emotional healing.

It is evident to anyone who is at all familiar with the documents and witnesses of the times that Aztec society at the time of the discovery of Mexico appears to be intensely religious, that all public and private life was invaded, so to speak, by rites and dominated by beliefs. But what exactly was the place of religion and its ministrants in the hierarchy of powers? To what degree was the priestly function interwoven with that of government and the (...) administration of the city? Can the regime of ancient Mexico be described as a theocracy? To answer these questions, it is of no small use, first, to go back to the period preceding the foundation of Mexico-Tenochtitlan. (shrink)

Aristotle -- Art and the artist -- Being -- The Christian life -- Christian philosophy -- The Church -- Culture and civilization -- Democracy and democratic society -- Descartes and Cartesian philosophy -- Philosophy of education -- Evil -- Ethics -- Faith -- Freedom -- God -- History -- Humanism -- Intellect and intelligence -- Knowing and knowledge -- Man -- Marx and Marxism -- Metaphysics and metaphysicians -- Moral philosophy -- Mystery and mysticism -- Natural law and human rights (...) -- The person -- The person and the individual -- Personality -- Philosophers -- Philosophy -- Poetry and the poet -- Politics, society, and the state -- Prayer and contemplation -- Reason and reasoning -- Science -- Theology and the theologian -- St. Thomas and Thomism -- Truth -- Varia -- Wisdom. (shrink)

A collection of ten previously published or delivered essays by Taminiaux (philosophy, Boston College and the Universite de Louvain).

Terrible ethics -- The ethic of terror -- Phares; or, divisible sovereignty -- The logic of sovereignty -- A Sadean community -- Materia in the critique of autonomy -- Three women, three bombs -- Distracted republic.