Given wuwei 無為 describes the life praxis of the sage and statecraft of the enlightened ruler while also denoting the comportment of the Dao 道—an alternating state of quiet dormancy and creative activity—are the standard translations of wuwei as “nonaction” or “effortless action” up to the task? They are not, it will be argued, in that they fail to convey the true profundity of wuwei. The objective of this essay is twofold: to show that wuwei is better understood as “abiding (...) harmony” than nonaction, and to demonstrate this via a close reading of the Lüshi Chunqiu 呂氏春秋 (Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals) which makes wuwei the epicenter of its doctrine of “the Dao of the ruler.” Indeed, the Lüshi Chunqiu’s unique application of wuwei lies not only in its borrowing of Daoist and Legalist norms, but in having the ruler meet the following prerequisites: be without knowledge, keep the senses and heart-mind pure, be reliant on others, follow Yin 陰 and Yang 陽, and study the course of heaven and earth to know the ways of humanity. There is, therefore, more to wuwei than meets the eye. (shrink)

This article discusses two interpretations of musical harmony around the 3rd century BCE based on the Xunzi 荀子 and the Lüshi Chunqiu 呂氏春秋, comparing the concepts of resonance between sound and qi 氣 in each interpretation. The Xunzi supports the moral influence of the sage kings’ music where ethical resonance between sound and bodily qi serves as firm ground for musical harmony begetting social harmony. In contrast, the Lüshi Chunqiu advocates the idea of physical resonance between sound and (...) cosmic qi whereby musical harmony acts as a contributor to cosmic harmony. In discussing resonance between sound and qi, the Xunzi restricts its scope to the human realm while the Lüshi Chunqiu extends it more broadly to the cosmic realm, which indicates that humans foster cosmic harmony. This broader perspective is an adequate reflection of the germinating idea of a resonant correlation between the human and cosmic realms. (shrink)

이 논문은 『순자』와 『여씨춘추』의 음악론을 음악을 즐기고자 하는 욕망과 음악 소리와 공명하는 기를 중심에 두고 분석하는 글이다. 『여씨춘추』와 『순자』는 당시 팽배했을 음악 비판에 욕망의 문제를 지적하며 반기를 든다. 『여씨춘추』는 음악을 즐기고자 하는 욕망을 긍정하며 비악론을 비판하는 한편, 양생에 도움이 되는 적절한 자극만이 즐거움을 줄 수 있다고 보면서 사치스러운 음악도 비판한다. 『순자』는 음악을 즐기고자 하는 선천적 성향을 가장 먼저 지적하지만 전반적인 논의는 교화의 수단으로서의 음악에 초점을 맞춘다. 음악의 불가결성은 음악을 즐기고자 하는 욕망에 있지만 음악의 효용은 즐거움보다는 교화에 있게 된 셈이다. 『순자』와 (...) 『여씨춘추』는 기 개념을 통해 음악에 특별한 기능을 부여하지만 그 내용은 서로 달라서, 『순자』에서 음악은 체내 기와 윤리적으로 공명하여 교화 작용을 수행하고, 『여씨춘추』에서 음악은 자연계 기와 물리적으로 공명하여 천지의 조화에 기여한다. 천지의 조화는 양생과 함께 음악의 자연성 진작 기능의 결과로 이해할 수 있다. 『순자』는 음악적 즐거움을 중심에 둔 논의를 전개하지 않기 때문에 즐거움의 탐닉을 어떻게 해결할 것인가에 제대로 답하지 못한다. 또한 교화 작용을 통해 음악에 특별한 지위를 부여하지만 음악 교화에서 개인의 수양 영역이 축소되어 음악의 도덕적 효과에 관한 이전 시대 논의를 성공적으로 이어가지 못한다. 『여씨춘추』는 욕망에 대한 긍정적 인식을 양생의 관점과 결합시켜 음악을 옹호할 뿐 아니라 음악 탐닉을 비판하기도 하고, 기의 공명을 통해 음악을 천지의 조화에 연결시킨다는 점에서, 비악론에 대한 대응과 맹아적 단계의 상관적 사유의 반영이라는 당시 음악론에게 요구되었음 직한 내용을 적절히 담아냈다고 평가할 수 있다. (shrink)

이 글은 『순자』「악론」과『여씨춘추』「치악」「적음」에 근거하여 선왕의 음악에 대한 두 가지 다른 시각을 비교하는 글이다. 선진시대에 음악이 가져다주는 즐거움은 보편적으로 긍정되었지만 그 즐거움이 초래하는 폐해에 대해서는 경계가 있을 수밖에 없었다. 음악에 대한 비난에 맞서 「악론」과 『여씨춘추』는 선왕의 음악을 제기하며 서로 다른 입장에서 음악을 옹호하는 논의를 펼친다. 우선 「악론」에 따르면 선왕은 마음의 좋은 기를 자극하여 긍정적 행동을 유도하도록 음악을 제정했다. 음악이 유도한 긍정적 행동은 사회 혼란을 막고 화합을 이루는 바탕이 된다. 반면 『여씨춘추』에 따르면 선왕은 즐거움의 추구가 적절한 수준에 머물도록 하기 위해 음악을 제정했다. (...) 이 경우 선왕의 음악은 즐거움을 제공하는 적정 수준의 자극으로서 욕구를 과도하게 추구함에 따라 발생할 수 있는 혼란을 방지하는 한편 마음의 화평을 유도하여 생명에 보탬이 되게 한다. 「악론」은 즐거움의 표현을 문제 삼으며 논의를 시작하지만 애초의 문제의식과 무관하게 마음에 작용하여 윤리적인 행동을 이끌어내는 음악에 대한 주장을 전개하므로 음악 향유가 초래하는 문제점에 대한 해결책이 되기에 부족하다. 『여씨춘추』는 선왕의 음악을 욕구의 대상에 한계를 설정하는 전형으로 제시하므로 과도한 음악 향유를 막을 수 있는 해결책을 제시한다고 볼 수 있으며, 음악이 욕구의 대상 중 하나로 다루어지기 때문에 음악은 예의 논의 안에 들어오게 된다. (shrink)

Since the 1940s, Western epistemology has discussed Gilbert Ryle’s distinction between knowledge-that and knowledge-how. Ryle argued that intelligent actions – manifestations of knowledge-how – are not constituted as intelligent by the guiding intervention of knowledge-that: knowledge-how is not a kind of knowledge-that; we must understand knowledge-how in independent terms. Yet which independent terms are needed? In this chapter, we consider whether an understanding of intelligent action must include talk of knowledge-to. This is the knowledge to do this or that now, (...) not then or in general. Our argument is refined and buttressed by consideration of a text in Chinese philosophy, the Lüshi Chunqiu. This 3rd century BCE text, a compendium on good government, focuses on different types of knowledge that an effective ruler or a capable official should possess. A significant number of those discussions concern examples of knowing-how being manifested in particular situations. The text is explicitly aware of the importance of timeliness and awareness of context in manifesting know-how. Some might say that these are merely manifestations of knowing-how. But we see these examples as revealing characteristics of know-how that Ryle did not anticipate. Might knowing-to be an essential and irreducible aspect of intelligent action? (shrink)

The progressive dominance of historical-critical methods in the reading of ancient Chinese classics has led scholars to privilege micro levels of textual analysis. Consequently, the question as to whether laws of composition could be identified in this corpus has often been ignored, or considered irrelevant. Working on Chinese number symbolism as well as on rules governing “ring composition” in other cultural contexts, this article aims at fashioning anew the question of the possibility of an ancient Chinese “structural rhetoric” and at (...) envisioning the patterns that might have governed it. It specifically applies the approach it propounds to Huainanzi 淮南子, showing how numerology frames its structure and argument, the text being built after the image of the “roundness” of the Way and of the Ruler. It then endeavors to apply these results to the unearthing of “inter-structural” patterns that would help us to locate Huainanzi, Lüshi Chunqiu 呂氏春秋, the versions at hand of Zhuangzi 莊子, Lunyu 論語, or yet Laozi 老子 into a textual universe that shares correlated rhetorical features. (shrink)

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1990.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Adapting: A Chinese Philosophy of Action by Mercedes ValmisaMieke Matthyssen (bio)Adapting: A Chinese Philosophy of Action. By Mercedes Valmisa. New York: Oxford University Press, 2021. Pp. 220, Hardcover $97.00, isbn 978-0-19-757296-2.When Mercedes Valmisa's Adapting. A Chinese Philosophy of Action (hereafter Adapting) was released, I instantly recognized it as a theme I would have loved to delve into myself. But I never did, while Valmisa stepped up to this (...) challenging task with remarkable depth. By examining a variety of master texts from several schools within the Classical Chinese philosophical corpus--including the Zhuangzi 莊子, Huainanzi 淮南子, Guanzi 管子, Shenzi 慎子, Lüshi Chunqiu 呂氏春秋, Sunzi Bingfa 孫子兵法, and Mozi 墨子, to name just a few--Adapting digs into the complexities of what Valmisa describes as "a philosophy of action" as articulated by ancient Chinese thinkers. She provides a comprehensive textual and historical overview of the evolution of action theories in Chinese philosophy, highlighting adaptability or adaptive agency as a cornerstone of these theories.To set the stage for her nuanced exploration, Valmisa introduces the overarching concept of adapting as it is primarily expressed through the character yin 因. She then expands on how adapting is deeply intertwined with traditional Chinese ideas of relatedness and interdependence. Contrary to Western action models that emphasize autonomy and control, along with static, individualistic, and intention-driven approaches, Valmisa portrays the Chinese model of adaptivity as inherently relational and context-dependent. This model situates human agency within an extensive web of relationships that includes not only other individuals but also objects, the environment, and the broader cosmos-- essentially, all things under heaven.This relationality is foundational, suggesting that individuals are continually shaped by and shaping their interactions with the world. Valmisa focuses on how humans constantly adapt to their fluctuating material and immaterial environments, including the lashes of fate (ming 命) and various visible or invisible opportunities. Taking the Guanzi-Xinshu shang 心術上 ("The Art of the Heart" I) as a source, she characterizes adapting as "abandoning oneself and taking entities as standard" (p. 5), describing this as an "open-ended strategy of action" that aligns with the contingencies of a given situation (time, place, context). In essence, the situation itself sets the parameters for evaluating the appropriateness and efficacy of a course of action. [End Page 1]Chapter 1 elaborates extensively on the notion of adapting, demonstrating through a selection of texts that adaptive agency is a form of action responsive to the specific demands of the moment emphasizing flexibility and situational responsiveness. This distinctively Chinese approach to adapting to changing circumstances rather than adhering to fixed guidelines or imposing one's will, contrasts sharply with the more prescriptive, moral, and forceful models typical of Western thought. Throughout the book, Valmisa lucidly introduces and defines key terms such as "adaptive agency," "agent-situation fit," and "co-action paradigm," often beginning with anecdotal discussions between masters and disciples from various schools. Drawing on these diverse texts, she effectively argues that although the core practices and forms of adapting in the Chinese context are traceable across different texts, their objectives, and thus success, vary by philosophical school. In texts inspired by Confucian thought, the focus is on adapting to achieve social or societal harmony, while Daoist texts emphasize achieving cosmic harmony. Summarizing this, Valmisa, referring to a story in the Zhuangzi, states: "There is no standardized model to decide on the actions that will bring success to our endeavors. One must learn to live in the all-embracing uncertainty and openness represented by the dao" (p. 17). And this dao can be Confucian, Daoist, or of any other classical school.Valmisa also introduces a critical distinction between constitutive standards and structural goals. Constitutive standards are dependent on content that is considered conducive to a good life, whereas structural goals are content-neutral, achievable through various means. From the perspective of adaptive agency, constitutive standards dissolve within the situation as agents determine the most suitable course of action to achieve structural goals. This innovative approach to differentiating goals from standards is profoundly intriguing and has significant implications. The question remains how to educate and cultivate adaptability rooted in structural goals. In line with the above framework, Valmisa... (shrink)

The Shenzi Fragments is the first complete translation in any Western language of the extant work of Shen Dao (350–275 B.C.E.). Though his writings have been recounted and interpreted in many texts, particularly in the work of Xunzi and Han Fei, very few Western scholars have encountered the political philosopher's original, influential formulations. This volume contains both a translation and an analysis of the Shenzi Fragments. It explains their distillation of the potent political theories circulating in China during the Warring (...) States period, along with their seminal relationship to the Taoist and Legalist traditions and the philosophies of the Lüshi Chunqiu and the Huainanzi. These fragments outline a rudimentary theory of political order modeled on the natural world that recognizes the role of human self-interest in maintaining stable rule. Casting the natural world as an independent, amoral system, Shen Dao situates the source of moral judgment firmly within the human sphere, prompting political philosophy to develop in realistic directions. Harris's sophisticated translation is paired with commentary that clarifies difficult passages and obscure references. For sections open to multiple interpretations, he offers resources for further research and encourages readers to follow their own path to meaning, much as Shen Dao intended. The Shenzi Fragments offers English-language readers a chance to grasp the full significance of Shen Dao's work among the pantheon of Chinese intellectuals. (shrink)

In this collection, Harold Roth brings together the pivotal essays representing both the innovation and expertise that have marked his scholarship on Daoism for roughly the last twenty-five years. It is Roth's position that the foundations of classical Daoism rest upon a distinctive set of contemplative practices that he calls "inner training," which can be found in the Neiye, Laozi, and Zhuangzi, but also in a number of other classical texts of mixed traditions, including the Lushi chunqiu 呂氏春秋 (...) and the Huainanzi 淮南子. The traces of these actual practices are evident linguistically in a recurring family of concepts appearing in these texts including wuwei, wuxing... (shrink)

Mencius portrayed Yang Zhu as an egoist. But the seeming consensus of scholars is that Yang Zhu was not an egoist. Despite that, however, a passage in the Lüshi chunqiu, a third century BCE text, appears to confirm Mencius’s characterization. It says that Yang Zhu valued self. In this paper, I examine the meaning of guiji. Specifically, I investigate on the term ji to reveal the meaning of guiji and elaborate on its possible implications. Ultimately, I show that with (...) Yang Zhu’s possible conception of self, guiji does not necessarily mean egoism. (shrink)

Hak San 鶴山 Yi Jeong-ho 李正浩 conceptualized and drew the “Hunminjeongeum-do” 訓民正音圖 (Diagram of Hunminjeongeum) using the basic initial consonants and 11 medial vowels of Hunminjeongeum 訓民正音 (It is the Korean alphabet, also called Hangeul). In the process, he added several strokes that were not part of the 28 letters of Hunminjeongeum to the “Hunminjeongeum-do” to emphasize the shapes of stars. This was intended to demonstrate the similarity between the “ Hunminjeongeum-do” and the “Jeongyeok Eight Trigrams Diagram” (正易八卦圖), thereby suggesting (...) that the Zhouyi 周易 philosophy embedded in the creation of Hunminjeongeum inherently contains the Jeongyeok 正易 (Correct Zhouyi) philosophy. Furthermore, he created the Celestial Diagram of Hunminjeongeum using the 28 Lunar Mansions of the ecliptic, which he referred to as the Jeongeum cheonmun-do 正音天文圖. In this diagram, he included the two central positions, elevated as the Emperor of Heaven and the Great Emperor, and applied a 30- day month calendar using all of these elements. In fact, it is based on the discussion in the Jeongyeok regarding the “Diagram of the 28 Lunar Mansions’ Energy Flow chart” (二十八宿運氣圖). The Jeongeum cheonmun-do can be found to contain similar concepts to those in the records of astronomical calendrical science from the Lüshi chunqiu 呂氏春秋, written during the Warring States period in China, and the “ Yaodian” 堯典 chapter of the Shujing 書經. Moreover, it is closely related to the circular diagram of the Fuxi 64 Hexagrams and also shares commonality with the star illustrations found in the Cheonsang yeolcha bunyajido 天象列次分 野之圖, a celestial map engraved in the early Joseon Dynasty. Haksan sought to demonstrate through the Jeongeum cheonmundo that ‘the intention of King Sejong, the Sage King, to illuminate the Heavenly Way and care for the affairs of the people upon his ascension to the throne is revealed in the creation of the miraculous letters Hunminjeongeum, and that the spirit of its creation embodies the Confucian concept of the Heavenly Way.’. (shrink)

The question of whether Gongsun Longzi is an authentic text remains a subject of scholarly debate, with opposing views arguing that the entire text is spurious, only certain sections are inauthentic, or that it is entirely genuine. This study defines spurious texts as those that cannot be considered contemporaneous with the era of Gongsun Long and seeks to identify which portions of Gongsun Longzi fail to meet this criterion. First, this study examines the disputed chapter “Jifu” and the latter half (...) of Gongsun Longzi, identifying a shared feature: both “Jifu” and the blue-white dialogue (qingbai wenda) in “Tongbian lun” contain political arguments rooted in the intellectual tradition of the Zhixia School. Second, it analyzes the Five Elements theory as presented in the blue-white dialogue in “Tongbian lun”, taking into account the historical evolution of Five Elements theory and the recorded relationship between Zou Yan and Gongsun Long. Based on this analysis, the study concludes that the blue-white dialogue in “Tongbian lun” is better understood as a composition created after Gongsun Longzi’s time. Through this investigation, the study argues that the blue-white dialogue in “Tongbian lun” cannot be considered a work contemporaneous with Gongsun Longzi. If substantiated, this argument may provide insights into the previously noted differences between the first and the second halves of the Gongsun Longzi. Furthermore, by distinguishing between the School of Names’ original focus on the relationship between names and actualities and political arguments incorporating Five Elements theory, it becomes possible to reevaluate the pure philosophical thought of the School of Names during Gongsun Longzi’s era. From a textual perspective, this analysis may also contribute to clarifying the relationships and chronological order among “Jifu”, the Lüshi Chunqiu, and the Kongcongzi. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Contemplative Foundations of Classical Daoism by Harold D. RothDerek Asaba Chi (bio)The Contemplative Foundations of Classical Daoism. By Harold D. Roth. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2021. Series: SUNY series in Chinese Philosophy and Culture. Pp. xiii+ 522. Hardcover ＄ 77.37, isbn 978-1-4384-8271-2. The Contemplative Foundations of Classical Daoism (hereafter Contemplative Foundations) is a compilation of articles and book chapters selected from Harold Roth's almost (...) 27 years of scholarly publications on the origins and early history of the classical Daoist tradition. The essays that constitute this collection seek to counter certain myths about Early China Studies and Daoist Studies that have previously prevented the field from identifying, in a historically plausible, contemplatively grounded, and textually justified fashion, some of the basic contours of classical Daoism. Roth begins by discussing prior studies of the early history of Daoism. In his view, these studies were hampered in their understanding of the contemplative foundations of Daoism by limits derived from a set of unreflective assumptions that restrict human cognitive possibilities to merely those that were deemed possible by European cultures. Some of the most deleterious of these assumptions were: "all human beings have a genetic predisposition to a belief in gods or other supernatural beings; veridical human cognition is restricted to either reason or emotion—categories established by the European Enlightenment" (p. 2). Roth argues that these products of unreflective Eurocentrism have largely contributed to a failure to recognize that early Daoist thinkers could possibly have derived their ideas about human psychology, human nature, and the nature of the cosmos through anything other than abstract rational thought or emotional responses (pp. 3-5). These unreflective thoughts have contributed to constructing the idea that contemplative experiences can never be epistemologically valid, and that, because of this non-veridicality, attempts to ascertain the contemplative foundations of classical Daoism are either unnecessary or deluded. The author also discusses the distinctive philosophical origins of classical Daoism. The first myth about the origins of classical Daoism revolves around beliefs that the Daoist tradition began with Lao Dan 老聃 in the sixth century BCE and his outstanding work the Daodejing 道德經. Further, Lao Dan founded a Daoist "school" that included Zhuang Zhou 莊周, the sole author of the Zhuangzi [End Page 1] 莊子, and other eponymous works created by later disciples such as Liezi 列子 and Wenzi 文子. Together they created and transmitted a Daoist school that developed a lofty mystical philosophy which accepted death as a natural transformation and maintained a cosmology of the Way Dao 道 and its Inner Power or Potency De 德. However, this tradition of "philosophical Daoism" or "Lao-Zhuang" 老 莊 became singularly corrupted through its contact with superstitious beliefs in longevity, immortality, and polytheistic deities to form the organized Daoist religion that emerged in the second century CE and that persists until today (p. 3). Roth argues that the contemplative foundations of classical Daoism are grounded in a distinctive form of practice that the author defines as "inner cultivation," neiye 內業, or "inward training" (p. 6). Roth provides a list of works that present surviving evidence for these practices. These include: the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, as well as other classical texts of mixed traditions, including the Lüshi Chunqiu 呂士春秋 and the Huainanzi 淮 南子. Contemplative Foundations is divided into two parts which present a more or less holistic view of the contemplative foundation of classical Daoism. Part I is dedicated to the careful textual analysis of the major surviving sources of classical Daoism to derive evidence for both its contemplative foundations and its historical and social context. First, the author examines the theories of the physiological basis of psychology and self-cultivation as discussed in three texts from the Guanzi 管子 and in the Huainanzi. Despite its apparent absence in the early Daoist tradition, the physiological basis of human psychology plays a major role in the theory and practice of neidan 內丹, or "physiological alchemy," which emerged somewhat later, when Daoism became institutionalized (p. 23). Roth tries to link the psychological experience to physiological conditions that make possible a whole range of neidan practices that seem to have preceded Daoist religion but became fully developed therein. Roth moves on to debunk the traditional... (shrink)

Explores proper timing and the arts of rulership in the work that inspired China's first emperor.

本书以人物、故事的形式,系统地介绍了中国传统伦理道德的精华,诸如:人性的养成、尊重社会公德、孝敬、礼让等。.

ObjectiveThis study aimed to develop a diagnostic model of multi-kinematic parameters for patients with amnestic mild cognitive impairment (aMCI).MethodIn this cross-sectional study, 94 older adults were included (33 cognitively normal, CN; and 61 aMCI). We conducted neuropsychological battery tests, such as global cognition and cognitive domains, and collected gait parameters by an inertial-sensor gait analysis system. Multivariable regression models were used to identify the potential diagnostic variables for aMCI. Receiver operating characteristic (ROC) curves were applied to assess the diagnostic accuracy (...) of kinematic parameters in discriminating aMCI from healthy subjects.ResultsMultivariable regression showed that multi-kinematic parameters were the potential diagnostic variables for aMCI. The multi-kinematic parameter model, developed using Timed Up and Go (TUG) time, stride length, toe-off/heel stride angles, one-leg standing (OLS) time, and braking force, showed areas under ROC (AUC), 0.96 [95% confidence interval (CI), 0.905–0.857]; sensitivity, 0.90; and specificity, 0.91. In contrast, a single kinematic parameter’s sensitivity was 0.26–0.95 and specificity was 0.21–0.90. Notably, the separating capacity of multi-kinematic parameters was highly similar to Montreal Cognitive Assessment (MoCA; AUC: 0.96 vs. 0.95). Compared to cognitive domain tests, the separating ability was comparable to Auditory Verbal Learning Test (AVLT) and Boston Naming Test (BNT; AUC: 0.96 vs. 0.97; AUC: 0.96 vs. 0.94).ConclusionWe developed one diagnostic model of multi-kinematic parameters for patients with aMCI in Foshan. (shrink)

Although the Chunqiu fanlu traditionally ascribed to Han dynasty scholar Dong Zhongshu (c. 195 − 115 BCE) is considered to be an extremely important book for the development of Chinese ethical and philosophical thought, it has been long neglected and has lacked proper non-Chinese scholarly attention. Up to the 2016 translation by Sarah A. Queen and John S. Major, only partial translations of the Chunqiu fanlu had been published in English. Part of the reason for the neglect of (...) the study of the Chunqiu fanlu and consequently its late translation lies in the complexity of the text, connected to a number of obscurities about its origin, authorship and nature. Sarah Queen and John Major have made an important step forward in redressing this neglect. They produced a complete English translation and study of the Chunqiu fanlu. Besides focusing on the first complete English translation of the Chunqiu fanlu, this article reviews central questions and problems regarding that text and attempts to summarize the current state of research on it. (shrink)

'Bao wei quan' 保位權 (‘Preservation of position and power’) (hereinafter: BWQ) is an essay advising rulers on how to preserve their position of power and maintain control over the bureaucracy. It is a part of one of the most authoritative premodern Chinese texts, the Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露 (The Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals), which is traditionally ascribed to pivotal Han dynasty scholar Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 (c. 195–115 BCE). This paper argues that the BWQ establishes a type (...) of naturalistic approach to rulership. In this vision, the state and its social and political order is rooted in the constitution of human nature, and is perceived as a place where human tendencies can be followed and fulfilled, but also controlled. In addition, the BWQ’s political discourse and its view of government is built around complementary processes, such as reward/punishment, political power/moral power, non-action/action, actuality/fam etc. The art of rulership thus consists of keeping these opposites in balance. (shrink)

This work provides an annotated translation, together with a brief commentary, of the “Bao Wei Quan” chapter, the 20th chapter of the Chunqiu fanlu. The Chunqiu fanlu is an important Chinese Confucian text. It is ascribed to a pivotal Former Han (206 BCE – 9 CE) scholar, an exegete of the Gongyang zhuan 公羊傳, Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 (ca. 195–115 BCE). This text offered to readers an ideal of rulership that remained highly relevant to the development of the ethical (...) and political discourse of Chinese Confucianism. Despite its importance, the Chunqiu fanlu has only very recently been fully translated into a Western language, and is one of the rare major classical Chinese texts which still lacks a full Japanese translation. Thus, the purpose of this work is to contribute to the ongoing Chunqiu fanlu translation project and to present to the reader some of the form and content of this influential work. -/- ⟪春秋繁露⟫第20章〈保位權〉的漢文注譯 -/- 本文是對⟪春秋繁露⟫第二十卷〈保位權〉含有短評的注譯。⟪春秋繁露⟫是中國儒學代表作之一。其作者据考据被認為是以注釋⟪春秋公羊傳⟫而聞名的西漢學者董仲舒（公元前195年—公元前115年）。⟪春秋繁露⟫是 一部被公認為有助於理解中國儒學發展史的最重要的經典著作之一。⟪春秋繁露⟫中所倡導的統治理想以及天人感應的概念兩千年以來一直是倫理政治學中的一個核心問題，這部書對中國儒學的倫理和政治論述的發展起著极為重 要的作用。⟪春秋繁露⟫雖然在中國傳統文化中占据著重要的地位，但它最近才被完整地翻譯成任何歐洲國家的語言，不過完整日語翻譯本中仍然缺少的一部。筆者希望本文可以為正在進行中的⟪春秋繁露⟫翻譯工程做出一點貢 獻，并希望通過本文給廣大讀者介紹一點該著作的基本形式和一小部分內容。. (shrink)

Throughout the Chinese imperial period, the kaoji (examination of merit) system was used to evaluate bureaucratic officials’ successes and failures. Officials who served commendably were promoted while those who served discreditably were demoted on its basis. In this article, I focus on the kaoji system as described in the “Kao gong ming” (Examining Achievement and Reputation) chapter of the Chunqiu fanlu, an authoritative pre-modern Chinese ethical-political text. I attempt to reconstruct the system and analyze the main features of the (...) underlying theory by which it was administered. First, I explore the main principles and metaphors of the “Kao gong ming” theory of rulership and administration. I argue that it situates the kaoji system within a vision of naturalistic administration and rulership based on the principles of accumulating of goodness, conferring benefit, and eliminating harm, as well as weighing and adapting to specific circumstances. In this context, the kaoji system may be understood as an important instrument of effective rulership based on the principles of nature. Second, I outline the kaoji system and compare it with the Han system of personnel administration. I finish with reflections on the chapter’s dating and authorship, arguing that the “Kao gong ming” is a compilatory Han text with a problematic relationship to Dong Zhongshu. My broader aim is to contribute to our understanding of the Han dynasty’s administrative discourse. -/- 本文旨在研究《春秋繁露》之〈考功名〉（考評官員的政績和口碑）章描寫的封建官僚制度下針對政府官員的「考績」制度，這是最權威的前現代中國倫理政治的文本之一。在這一制度之下，政績突出的官員得以提拔，不稱職的 官員則被降職。本文試圖重建這種績效考覈體系，並分析「考績」制度據以建立的基本理論的主要特徵。首先，本文將探討〈考功名〉章所反映的統治與管理理論的主要原則及其隱喻。筆者認爲它提出了一種自然主義的管理和統 治理念，這種理念基於積善累德、布恩施惠和爲天下除害的出發點，以及將權衡和適應特定的具體情境作爲治理國家的主要原則。在這種背景下，績效考覈制度可以被理解爲一種基於自然原則的有效的治國爲政的重要工具。第二 ，本文將勾勒出一個「考績」制度的框架，並將其置於它所在的歷史背景之下。在以上分析之後，將以對〈考功名〉一章年代和作者考證問題的思考作爲本文的結束。這篇文章的目的和價值在於促進我們對〈考功名〉章和它所描 述的「考績」制度的理解。. (shrink)

본 논문은 서파 유희의 『춘추괄례분류』를 주요 연구 대상으로 삼아, 이 책에 보이는 범례 분류의 특징 및 그 학술적 가치를 밝히는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이 책은 『춘추』 범례의 기본 원칙을 바탕으로 정형화된 범례를 규정한 일종의 범례 종합 분류집이다. 서파는 『춘추」 범례 분류의 두 가지 기본 원칙을 제시하였다. 첫째, 『춘추』라는 책의 성격과 체계를 명확하게 규정함으로써 『춘추』 범례를 분류하게 된 배경을 밝혔다. 둘째, 『춘추』에 존재하는 필법과 의리가 범례 분류의 기준이 된다는 점을 천명하였다. 서파는 이러한 범례의 기본 원칙에 따라 유형별로 범례를 분류하여 정형화된 범례 (...) 규정을 확정함으로써 올바른 『춘추』 해석을 위한 토대를 마련하고자 하였다. 나아가 이 범례 규정이 잘못된 『춘추』 해석이 나올 가능성을 사전에 차단함과 동시에 왜곡된 이론의 존립 근거도 없애는 역할을 수행할 수 있을 것이라고 판단했다. 이 책은 다양한 범례의 체계적인 분석과 종합을 통해 『춘추』 범례 분류의 표준화를 시도했다는 점에서 학술적 가치가 매우 크다고 평가할 수 있다. (shrink)

In Dong Zhongshu: A 'Confucian' Heritage and the Chunqiu Fanlu, eminent sinologist Michael Loewe shines a bright light on the traditionally seminal but consistently understudied figure of Dong Zhongshu. Having authored several monographs on the Han dynasty over the last four decades, including a recent two-volume Biographical Dictionary (2000) and a "Companion" to those volumes (2004),1 there is probably no one more suitable to undertake such an inquiry. Loewe's contextualization of Dong and the Chunqiu fanlu is thoroughly detailed (...) and well documented. Kudos to Brill for continuing to include all the attendant Chinese graphs and for publishing books with footnotes rather than endnotes (even if junior faculty .. (shrink)

To study the L shi chunqiu (or L -shih ch'un-ch'iu. Master L 's Spring and Autumn Annals is to enter into the tumultuous but progressive times of the Warring States period (403-221 BCE). 1 This period is commonly referred to as 'the pre-Qin period' because of the fundamental changes that occurred after the Qin unification. Liishi chunqiu was probably completed, in 241 BCE, by various scholars at the estate of L Buwei (L Pu-wei) the prime minister of Qin (...) and tutor to the Qin child King, Zheng. 2 It is one of the few pre-Qin texts that dates itself; the date, though not precise, is given in the xuyi chapter. 3 A decade after the completion of the L shi chunqiu, King Zheng began the ensuing 9 years of fervent warfare that led to his unification of the empire in 221 BCE. Before the political unification, L shi chunqiu created a philosophical consolidation. 4 The Liishi chunqiu performed an important function in the literary and political education of the young King Zheng. More importantly, it provided a philosophical understanding of and justification for a unified empire which left its mark on the young King, and subsequent Han philosophy. After the unification of the empire, King Zheng took the title Qin shihuangdi (First-generation Emperor of Qin), and he established the insignia of water for the imperial emblems, employing concepts from Liishi chunqiu's yingtong (responding and identifying) chapter which describe the succession of dynasties according to the timely cycle of the five phases (wuxing) to justify his new dynasty. 5. (shrink)

본 논문은 19세기 조선조 학자인 西陂 柳僖의 『春秋四傳刪誤說』을 연구한 것이다. 특히 이 책에서 조선조의 춘추학 연구 분야에서 『춘추』의 대표적인 주해서인 四傳의 해석 전체를 본격적으로 비판하고 변론한 점은 주목할 만하다. 서파는 四傳의 해석 중에서 經文을 잘못 이해했거나 해석상의 문제가 있는 부분을 집중적으로 발췌하여 비판하고, 합리적인 논거나 근거를 통해 변론하였다. 기존의 『춘추』 관련 저술에서는 찾아볼 수 없는 독특한 형식의 글이라는 점에서 연구의 가치가 매우 큰 저술이라고 판단된다. 이 책은 사전 전체를 종합적으로 다룬 서론 부분과 사전의 해석에서 구체적인 오류를 찾아서 비판하고 변론한 본론으로 (...) 구성되어 있다. 본 논문에서는 서론에 해당되는 부분을 연구 대상으로 삼아, 서파가 四傳 각각의 병폐와 그로 인해 발생한 폐해를 어떠한 관점에서 접근했는지 다루었다. (shrink)

The assumption that a system described as ‘Confucianism’ formulated by Dong Zhongshu became accepted as the norm during the Western Han dynasty (202 BCE – 9 CE) is challenged and his supposed authorship of the Chunqiu fanlu examined.

A new scholarly movement of sorts emerged during the early Han period, associated with the acceptance of certain commentaries (zhuan 傳) on the classic history Chunqiu 春秋 (Spring and Autumn Annals) and related texts, written and complied in the" new script" of Han scholars recompiling early materials. The texts and ideas associated with this movement (although there have long been questions as to just how much of an actual intellectual movement this was) are largely syncretic and constructive in nature. (...) The central text of this" New Text Confucianism," the Gongyang 公羊 commentary on the Chunqiu, was more concerned with offering explanations of what scholars took to be the inherent deeper meanings of the Chunqiu than with reconstruction of early understandings of the text (although proponents certainly also thought that these meanings were inherent in the texts, rather than added or read into them by later thinkers). One way of understanding the" New Text" movement is as a constructive and syncretic response to the modern use of ancient texts during the Han, and as a way to revitalize and systematize the ideas in earlier texts (although the authors of the Gongyang and its proponents in the Han certainly saw the text as expressing the core messages of the Chunqiu, rather than creating their own). The creative and syncretic nature of the" New Text" movement was opposed to what one may see as the historicism of the" Old Text" movement taken as associated with the Zuo 左 commentary and supposed ancient texts advocated by Liu Xin 劉歆 (50 BCE–23 CE). ¹ Later philosophers criticized what they took to be the speculative …. (shrink)

A major resource expanding the study of early Chinese philosophy, religion, literature, and politics, this book features the first complete English-language translation of the_ Luxuriant Gems of the "Spring and Autumn"_ (_Chunqiu fanlu_),_ _one of the key texts of early Confucianism. The work is often ascribed to the Han scholar and court official Dong Zhongshu, but, as this study reveals, the text is in fact a compendium of writings by a variety of authors working within an interpretive tradition that spanned (...) several generations, depicting a utopian vision of a flourishing humanity that they believed to be Confucius's legacy to the world. The Spring and Autumn (_Chunqiu_) is a chronicle kept by the dukes of the state of Lu from 722 to 481 B.C.E. _The Luxuriant Gems_ follows the interpretations of the _Gongyang Commentary_, whose transmitters belonged to a tradition that sought to explicate the special language of the _Spring and Autumn_. The Gongyang masters believed that the_ Spring and Autumn_ had been written by Confucius himself, employing subtle and esoteric phrasing to indicate approval or disapproval of important events and personages. The _Luxuriant Gems_ augments Confucian ethical and philosophical teachings with chapters on cosmology, statecraft, and other topics drawn from contemporary non-Confucian traditions, reflecting the brilliance of intellectual life in the Han dynasty during the formative decades of the Chinese imperial state. To elucidate the text, Sarah A. Queen and John S. Major divide their translation into eight thematic sections with extensive introductions that address dating, authorship, authenticity, and the relationship between the original text and the evolving _Gongyang_ approach. (shrink)

The character of the scholarly patronage community of Jixia in the Warring States polity of Qi has been hotly debated. Was it indeed an “academy,” as it has been retrospectively dubbed? What kind of activities did resident scholars engage in? What teachings did they propound, what writings did they compose? Following the lead of research by Nathan Sivin and Andrew S. Meyer, the present article does not treat Jixia as an academy proper, but assumes that it was a patronage community (...) sponsored by the Tian/Chen clan. Rather than indulge in more speculations about institutional arrangements and the activities of specific scholars, however, it is argued that intertextual relationships are more likely to shed light on the intellectual concerns of scholars at Jixia. To demonstrate the viability of such an approach, this article analyzes dialogues between King Xuan of Qi and Master Meng in the book Mengzi, demonstrating that they can be divided into hostile and supportive ones, the latter propounding the principle of “sharing pleasures.” Dialogues included in other compilations that advocate the same principle are then shown to be almost invariably associated with Jixia scholars. The notion of sharing pleasures, it is finally argued, was part of a wider political debate on princely wastefulness that was characteristic of Qi and is likewise reflected in such compilations as Guanzi, Yanzi chunqiu, and Liu tao. (shrink)

Du Yu’s 杜預 commentary on the Zuo Tradition 左傳 is often touted as an enduring scholarly achievement from a latter-day perspective, because early Tang scholars treated it as the definitive official interpretation of the imperially approved Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhengyi 春秋左傳正義. But few studies have analyzed the specific components of Du Yu’s thought that sometimes adapt, other times maintain, previous conceptions of the Annals and Zuo. This paper argues that Du Yu’s schematization of the Annals into three categories of material—Zhou/institutional (...) “general norms,” Confucian/moral “transformed norms,” and historical/neutral “non-norms”—configures older ideas into a new structure of understanding designed to elevate the authority of the Zuo Tradition, unofficial but influential in the Western Jin, above that of rival Gongyang 公羊 and Guliang 穀梁 traditions during his time. Included in this discussion is Du Yu’s treatment of the Annals as a text that can be checked against a parallel ancient source newly available to him, the Bamboo Annals. (shrink)