International law lacks many of the standard features of domestic law. There are few legislative or judicial bodies with exclusive authority over particular jurisdictions or subject matters, the subjects regulated by international law typically must affirmatively consent to be bound by it, and supranational authorities with the power to coerce states to comply with international obligations are rare. How can a legal system with these features generate changes in state behavior? For many theories, the ability of international law to inform (...) and change individual preferences provides the answer. When voters care that treaty commitments be kept, or that international norms be honored, the theory goes, leaders are more likely to be able to make choices consistent with international obligations. Over the last decade, a literature has emerged testing these theories using surveys and experiments embedded in surveys. Multiple U.S. studies find that international law and international norm arguments shift public opinion in the direction of greater compliance by 4 to 20 percentage points. However, studies in foreign contexts are more mixed, with some backlash reported in countries in which international law is highly politicized. This Article describes the state of current knowledge about whether international law actually does change preferences, explains the limitations with existing research, and proposes avenues for future study. (shrink)

Constitutional law in the United States is, for most practical purposes, the product of ‘judicial review’, the power of judges to disallow policy choices made by other officials or institutions of government, ostensibly because those choices are prohibited by the Constitution. This extraordinary and unprecedented power, America's dubious contribution to the science of government, has made American judges the most powerful in the world, not only legislators but super-legislators, legislators with virtually the last word. Because lawmaking power divorced from popular (...) will is tyranny, most states have attempted to reconcile the lawmaking power of judges with representative self-government by subjecting all or some judges to some form of popular election. In all but four such states, judges, encouraged and supported by their fellow lawyers in the organized bar—would-be judges and beneficiaries of judicial power—have responded by adopting codes of judicial ethics that limit what candidates for election to judicial office are permitted to say. The effect is to undermine elections as a control on judicial power by limiting criticism of judicial activism, the misuse of judicial power. (shrink)

In the post-1945 world, constitutionalism has transcended the nation state, with an array of transnational arrangements now manifesting constitutional characteristics—so says a growing number of scholars. This article reveals an earlier but largely forgotten discourse of transnational constitutionalism: the constitutional theory of the British Empire in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Focusing on the work of Albert Venn Dicey, the article shows that, when the Empire was at the height of its power and prestige, British constitutional scholars came (...) to see the Empire as a constitutional order and project. For Dicey, a committed constitutionalist and imperialist, the central dynamic of the imperial constitutional order was balancing British constitutional principles with imperial unity. This article focuses in particular on parliamentary sovereignty, a constitutional principle that, for Dicey, was both necessary for and dangerous to the Empire’s integrity. An exercise in intellectual history, the article rethinks Dicey’s work and the constitutional tradition in which Dicey has played such an integral part, seeking to reveal empire's forgotten significance. (shrink)

Resumo Autores como os físicos Léon Rosenfeld, Gerald Holton e Franco Selleri, bem como o filósofo Miguel Reale perceberam já que, no interior da mecânica quântica, o princípio da complementaridade de Niels Bohr pode ser aproximado á noção filosófica de dialéctica. Além de buscar contribuir para robustecer tal linha de interpretaoção do famoso principío bohriano, neste paper tentaremos compreender dialecticamente a relaoção de Louis de Broglie e a de desigualdade de Werner Heisenberg. Por fim, argumentaremos a favor de um enfoque (...) realista do principío em causa. (shrink)

Industrial (“white”) biotechnology promises to contribute to a more sustainable future. Compared to current production processes, cases have been identified where industrial biotechnology can decrease the amount of energy and raw materials used to make products and also reduce the amount of emissions and waste produced during production. However, switching from products based on chemical production processes and fossil fuels towards “biobased” products is at present not necessarily economically viable. This is especially true for bulk products, for example ethanol production (...) from biomass. Therefore, scientists are also turning to genetic modification as a means to develop organisms that can produce at lower costs. These include not only micro-organisms, but also organisms used in agriculture for food and feed.The use of genetic modification for “deliberate release” purposes, in particular, has met great opposition in Europe. Many industrial biotechnology applications may, due to their scale, entail deliberate releases of GM organisms. Thus, the biobased economy brings back a familiar question; is it ethically justifiable, and acceptable to citizens, to expose the environment and society to the risks associated with GM, in order to protect that same environment and to sustain our affluent way of life? For a successful innovation towards a biobased economy, its proponents, especially producers, need to take into account (take responsibility for) such issues when developing new products and processes. These issues, and how scientists can interact with citizens about them in a timely way, are further explored in projects at Delft University and Leiden University, also in collaboration with Utrecht University. (shrink)

info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion.

Mujica, representa unos de los intelectuales más importantes del marxismo venezolano del siglo XX. Las ideas que guían el presente estudio, recogen su postura ante la historia, la religión, los medios de comunicación, así como su tesis sobre el progreso y su postura antiimperialista y, de manera muy particular, la teoría socialista como instrumento de interpretación y trasformación de la realidad.Mujica represents one of the most important intellectuals in twentieth-century Venezuelan Marxism. The ideas guiding this study include his posture regarding (...) history, religion and mass media as well as his thesis about progress, his anti-imperialist posture and especially, socialist theory as an instrument for interpreting and transforming reality. (shrink)

This ar ti cle is part of the anal y sis of the his tory of ideas in Latin Amer ica, which is a field of thought that con trib utes to re cov er ing con tri bu tions from di verse fields of knowl edge, and which has been fo cused on by in tel lec tu als who con sider our iden tity to be a theme..

L’article essaie d’expliquer la nature éthique de l’action par l’analyse de la peine. C’est dans la justification de l’acte pénal que Hegel présenta le premier noyau de la dialectique qui « dépasse » et relativise le commandement du droit positif. C’est même dans la justification de l’action pénale que Hegel expose de façon systématique le principe capital selon lequel le droit n’est réellement juste que lorsqu’il se constitue comme un acte « reconnaissable » par le destinataire.

Unter dem Begriff Biologismus verstehen wir die Anwendung strikter wissenschaftlicher biologischer Maßstäbe und Begriffe auf die Gebiete, die nicht durch die Dominanz biologischer Verhältnisse bezeichnet werden. Die Annahme des biologistischen Determinismus resultiert notwendigerweise mit der Auffassung, dass die Kultur durch die biologischen Gesetze determiniert wird. Als Antithese zu einem solchen Reduktionismus stellt sich der Kulturalismus heraus, d. h. die Betonung des Vorrangs kultureller Determinanten im Prozess der Bildung der Kultur und der menschlichen Welt überhaupt. In diesem Beitrag wird bewiesen, dass (...) ein solcher Kulturalismus nur die falsche Alternative zum Biologismus ist. Die menschliche Welt kann auf angemessene Weise nur dann begriffen werden, wenn alle relevanten Dimensionen ihrer Gestaltung in Betracht gezogen werden. Die Voraussetzung dafür ist die Befreiung von allen reduktionistischen Versuchungen. (shrink)

Tras descartar el acercamiento metodológico a la historia de Doñana como un paso hacia la “conservación de la Naturaleza” con mayúscula, este artículo sitúa la historia del Parque en los contextos políticos, personales y científicos que lo hicieron posible. Estos contextos nos colocan en la escala internacional del desmantelamiento del imperio británico y de la transformación de la ornitología y la ecología como disciplinas. Las rutas migratorias de las aves de Doñana contribuyeron a la dimensión internacional en la que se (...) fraguó el acuerdo entre el World Wildlife Fund (WWF) y el Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (CSIC) que llevó a la inauguración de la Reserva Biológica de Doñana en 1965. La posterior creación del Parque abrió la puerta a nuevos desencuentros entre diversos modos de entender el conservacionismo y entre diferentes categorizaciones científicas del territorio de Doñana. La resolución de estos conflictos dependió de fuerzas y alianzas, lo que permite concluir afinando el argumento metodológico de partida. (shrink)

This paper provides a discussion of Jacques Rancière’s former teacher at École Normale Supérieure, then famous for fashioning Marxism with the philosophical gauge of structuralism, Louis Althusser. Perhaps a brief discussion on the relation between the two would render context to the origins of Rancière's philosophico-political praxis, specifically the humble beginnings of conceptualizing an egalitarian method out of his philosophical rupture with Althusserianism. Meanwhile, to reduce the philosophical enterprise of Althusser into its practical shortcomings and silence during the revolutionary events (...) of May 1968 in France would do an injustice to the magnitude of his contribution to contemporary French political theory and his major revisions in the theoretical direction of the Parti communiste français. Thus, the following discussions focus on sketching Althusser's theoretical foundations, which possibly clarifies the political decision he has made during May '68: a demand for organization over spontaneous revolutionary activity based on the authority of theoretical practice over the ideological activities—a decision that became the point of departure for Rancière's subversion of both mastery and the structural inequality Althusserianism entail. The whole piece is guided by the following two-fold question—a question, perhaps, akin to Badiou's inquiry: What were the philosophico-political interventions of Louis Althusser, and why did Rancière move away from his direction? (shrink)

Albert Einstein je svojom specijalnom teorijom relativnosti definitivno opovrgao svaku mogućnost znanstvenog legitimiranja mehanicističkog pogleda na svijet, što implicira i opovrgnuće one metafizike materijalističkog predznaka koja se temelji na koncepciji razdvojenosti prostora i vremena. On je u specijalnoj teoriji relativnosti zasnovao pojam vremena i prostora kao jedinstvenog zbivanja, a taj je pojam oslobođen i od ravne metrike kakva obilježuje još i koncepciju Hermanna Minkowskog. Mnoštvenost jedinstvena vremena-prostora ukida i Galilejeve i Newtonove pojmove kao što su: apsolutni prostor, apsolutno vrijeme, apsolutno (...) mirovanje, te nepromjenjivost mase, a jednako tako i apsolutnost činjenice koja sadrži istodobnost dva prostorno udaljena zbivanja. Time su uspostavljene pretpostavke za razvoj tzv. postmoderne kozmologije. Autor postavlja pitanje otvara li postmodernizam ukozmologiji put za obnovu raznovrsnih onto-teokozmo-antropologija kojima je zajedničko htijenje da se ukine ideja povijesnosti, ili pak, naprotiv, Einsteinovo ukidanje pravocrtnosti otvara prostor afirmacije autentične povijesnosti. A upravo se u toj antitezi između metafizike i povijesnog mišljenja sastoji temeljni prijepor današnje filozofije,suočene i s lažnom alternativom iracionalizma i hiperracionalizma.Albert Einstein hat durch seine Spezielle Relativitätstheorie jegliche Möglichkeit der wissenschaftlichenLegitimierung einer mechanizistischen Weltanschauungdefinitiv widergelegt.Diesimpliziert ebenfalls die Widerlegungeiner Metaphysik materialistischer Art,die auf derKonzeptionder getrenntenExistenz von Zeit und Raum begründet ist. In der Speziellen Relativitätstheoriehat Einstein den Begriff der Einheitlichkeit von Zeit und Raum als einheitlichenGeschehensgeprägt. Dieser Begriff ist befreitvon platter Metrik, die noch die Konzeption vonHermannMinkowski charakterisiert. Durchdie Vielfältigkeitder Einheitlichkeit von Zeit undRaumentfallen die Begriffe von Galilei und Newton . Damitwerdendie Voraussetzungenfür die Entwicklung der sog. postmodernen Kosmologie aufgestellt.Der Autorfragt, ob der Postmodernismus in der Kosmologie einen Wegzur Erneuerungdifferenzierter Onto-Theo-Kosmo-Anthropologieneröffnet, dergleichartigdem Verlangenist, die Idee der Geschichlichkeit aufzuheben, oder ob EinsteinsAufhebungder Linearität einen Raum für die Affirmierungauthentischer Geschichlichkeit eröffnet. Gerade in dieserAntithesezwischen Metapysik und geschichtlichem Denken liegt eine wichtige StreitfragederzeitgenössischenPhilosophie, die auch durchdie falsche Alternativezwischen Irrationalismusund Hyperrationalismus gekennzeichnet wird. (shrink)