Two excerpts from Xenophon, in which he states that Socrates avidly practised religious ceremonies promoted by Athens, are subject to two different interpretations by modern historians. For some, they are the proof that the Athenian city was only concerned with the rituals of its fellow citizens, and in no way with their beliefs. In contrast with this view, Hendrick Versnel feels that, by writing that Socrates performed ceremonies, Xenophon thinks that he proves that his master really did believe (...) in the gods. Both of these interpretations are incorrect, as a careful new consideration of these passages can demonstrate. (shrink)

이 글은 『의례』에 보이는 상례 관련 내용을 선진 제자서의 내용과 비교한 것이다. 고대 상례에 관련된 가장 직접적이고 체계적인 문헌은 『의례』이다. 이것은 내용상에서 『좌씨전』, 『묵자』, 『순자』 등의 선진 제자서에 반영된 것도 있고 반면에 상호 어긋나는 내용도 있다. 이러한 상황이 발생한 이유는 고대의 『의례』를 비롯한 예경(禮經)이 성립되는 과정에서 일부 내용이 이미 제자서에 반영되기도 하고, 반대로 제자서의 내용이 후대 유가에 의해 예경에 편입되었기 때문이라고 생각된다. 우선 『의례』 상복 편의 기본 내용은 선진 제자서에 대체로 반영되어 있고 공통적인 내용이 많다. 대표적으로 부모와 군주를 위한 삼년상은 (...) 유가에서 공통적으로 선양한 것이다. 비록 묵가에서 유가의 후장구상(厚葬久喪)에 대해 반대하지만, 『의례』의 상복제도는 적어도 춘추시기에 이르기까지 사람들의 보편적 인식이었다고 할 수 있다. 또한 『의례』와 제자서에 반영된 내용에서 공통적으로 복상(服喪) 대상이 성인인가의 여부에 따라 상복에 차이를 두고 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 한편 선진 제자서에 반영된 상례 관련 내용은 『의례』의 규정과 다른 주장도 많다. 특히 제자서에 반영된 부모를 위한 상복은 『의례』의 규정과는 달리 사회적 지위의 다름에 따라 차이가 있음을 보여준다. 또한 부모와 군주를 위한 상복제도와는 달리 아내와 첩을 위한 제도는 『의례』의 규정과 다른 내용이 많이 보인다. 현행본 『의례』 「상복」 편에 나열된 규정은 복상 주체와 대상의 신분에 따라 상복과 상기를 달리하기 때문에 당시에는 물론 역사적으로도 엄밀하게 시행되기 어려웠을 것으로 생각된다. 특히 “친친”의 부자관계에 기초해서 자식을 위한 상례는 비교적 분명하고, 군주와 부모를 위한 상례는 명확히 규정되고 강조된 반면에 신하와 아내를 위한 상례는 규정이 없거나 모호한 경우가 많다. 따라서 “삼강”(三綱)이라는 용어가 한대(漢代) 정치윤리 이념을 반영한 동중서(董仲舒)의 『춘추번로』(春秋繁露)에 처음 보이는 것이지만, 내용상으로는 이미 『의례』에 반영된 것이라 보아도 무방할 것이다. (shrink)

The co-edited volume under consideration presents the peer-reviewed proceedings of a homonymous conference held at the Free University of Brussels and the Royal Academy of Belgium in 2015. It opens with a general introduction by the editors to the topic of the conference and to its 17 constitutive papers. The contributions deal with ceremonial contexts and rituals of diverse kinds, which antedate, transcend, or develop beneath or independently of the polis and its institutions. The papers are...

Symbolism of Javanese rites and ceremonies; collection of articles.

Adapting Wittgenstein's concept of the human species as 'a ceremonial animal', Wendy James discusses in a readable and lively style the conceptual ordering of space, time, and rhythm; the mutualities of language, consciousness, ritual and religious practice; the dialectics of gender and generation; power, war, and peace; and large-scale modern social formations such as the city and the nation. The Foreword is by Michael J. Lambek, Professor of Anthropology, University of Toronto.

Recently, our society has experienced lots of social structural change such as low birthrate and aging population. The most important ways that can practice filial piety, for example, supporting parents and memorial rites are increasingly difficult nowadays. As a solution associated with supporting parents, I suggest to shift policy that estimates public supporting which government supports more than private supporting that children support their parents in family. In addition, in order to complete the joint responsibility that family as well (...) as government are involved with, I suggest that institutional arrangements for the financing(for example, tax system) should be accompanied. As a solution related with memorial rites, I primarily suggest the turning perception that mutually understands ancestor worship from the point of filial piety, not the religious perspective. Furthermore, in order to succeed filial piety culture, I suggest that we need to switch the traditional ancestral rite to the more simplified and reasonable form of memorial ceremony that may be suitable to thepattern of modern life, and the sense of value of younger generation. (shrink)

Chez les Ankave-Anga, des agriculteurs forestiers de Papouasie Nouvelle-Guinée, les initiations masculines et les cérémonies de secondes funérailles restent des temps forts de la vie collective. L'étude ethnographique de tels rites contemporains d'une société «non-moderne» conduit à nuancer certaines propositions théoriques des abondants travaux récents - cognitivistes ou non - qui tentent de dégager la spécificité des actions rituelles, souvent en marginalisant la signification de ces actions. En particulier, l'opposition entre rite et technique mérite réexamen car elle est fondée (...) sur une vision obsolète des rapports entre techniques, culture et organisation sociale. Chez les Ankave, l'impossibilité de tracer une limite entre mythe, rite et technique souligne au contraire la part des objets et les gestes qui les fabriquent ou les mettent en oeuvre dans la convergence et la redondance de pratiques et de représentations qui donnent leur spécificité aux rituels.In Ankave-Anga, farmers forest of Papua New Guinea, male initiations and ceremonies, funerals remain second moments of collective life. The ethnographic study of such rites contemporary society "non-modern" qualified leads to some theoretical propositions of abundant recent work - cognitive or not - that try to identify the specific ritual actions, often marginalizing the significance of these actions. In particular, the opposition between ritual and technical merit review because it is based on an obsolete vision of the relationship between technology, culture and social organization. In Ankave, unable to draw a line between myth, ritual and draws attention to the technical part of the objects and actions that make or implement the convergence and redundancy practices and representations that give specificity rituals. (shrink)

In ancient China, the preparation of food and the offering up of food as a religious sacrifice were intimately connected with models of sagehood and ideas of self-cultivation and morality. Drawing on received and newly excavated written sources, Roel Sterckx's book explores how this vibrant culture influenced the ways in which the early Chinese explained the workings of the human senses, and the role of sensory experience in communicating with the spirit world. The book, which begins with a survey of (...) dietary culture from the Zhou to the Han and offers some intriguing insights into the ritual preparation of food--some butchers and cooks were highly regarded and would rise to positions of influence as a result of their culinary skills--and the sacrificial ceremony itself. As a major contribution to the study of early China and to the development of philosophical thought, the book will be essential reading for students of the period, and for anyone interested in ritual and religion in the ancient world"--Provided by publisher. (shrink)

This volume addresses the means and ends of sacrificial speculation by inviting a selected group of specialists in the fields of philosophy, history of religions, and indology to examine philosophical modes of sacrificial speculation-especially in Ancient India and Greece-and consider the commonalities of their historical raison d'etre. Scholars have long observed, yet without presenting any transcultural grand theory on the matter, that sacrifice seems to end with (or even continue as) philosophy in both Ancient India and Greece. How are we (...) to understand this important transformation that so profoundly changed the way we think of religion (and philosophy as opposed to religion) today? Some of the complex topics inviting closer examination in this regard are the interiorisation of ritual, ascetism and self-sacrifice, sacrifice and cosmogony, the figure of the philosopher-sage, transformations and technologies of the self, analogical reasoning, the philosophy of ritual, vegetarianism, and metempsychosis. (shrink)

There are two basic paradigms in social sciences. The first of these is positivism, which is based on explanation-oriented thought; the other is the understanding/interpretive paradigm that emerged as an alternative to positivism. As a theory of meaning that finds its place in many socio-cultural fields, the hermeneutic approach is among the paradigms based on understanding/interpretation. The hermeneutic approach appears at the point of comprehending the invisible, beyond the observable. In this context, examining Mevlevi Rites in a hermeneutical context (...) as a part of Turkish culture from a socio-cultural perspective is important in terms of revealing the meaning of the Rites. The Mevlevi order is based on the principle of unity of exictence in sufi thought and at the same time it is based on an esoteric belief system. In this sense, Mevlevism and Mevlevi Rites, which reflect the belief system mentioned, have meanings beyond the obvious. Particularly, music, which is the dominant element in the ceremony, draws attention as a character that has the capacity to direct the performance. In this direction, the performances during the ritual start with music and the continuity of the ritual is ensured by being managed with music. Therefore, in Mevlevi order, music serves as a tool that accompanies ecstasy. Every movement, every practice, and every stage, every phenomenon and every act of the Mevlevi Rites, which is an integral part of the performance, contains metaphorical meanings. In this context, in the research, which is limited to the theological dimension of the hermeneutic paradigm, the spiritual meanings of the Mevlevi rites were determined by the literature study, the documents related to the subject were examined, the descriptive analysis of the data obtained was made and the findings were revealed. (shrink)

In the article, the vocabulary related to the wedding ceremony in the Pamiri languages is discussed. In particular, vocabulary reflecting the wedding ceremony in Ishkashimi language is almost unknown. In the Pamiri languages are still preserved all the traditional wedding ceremonies. The vocabulary associated with them is well-kept in full and is indigenous and sometimes borrowed. For the most, the terminology applied in the ritual is borrowed. Often the term is borrowed from Badakhshan dialect of the Tajik language. At (...) the same time, some Tajik words are used in specific meaning that is typical only to the dialect of Badakhshan and Dari language of Badakhshan in Afghanistan. This is mainly the vocabulary associated with traditional ways and procedures of the wedding ceremony. Some other words, such as sarbьzьrg ’to give respect, attention to mourners’, can be observed only in classical Persian literature. In view of the Islamization of the region the Arab terms are frequently used in rituals; they are associated with official terminology applied during the marriage process and designate its legal aspects. There are also Turkic lexis that was included into the dictionary because of language and cultural contacts in the region. It is significant that in the lexicon predominate metaphorical and descriptive ways of designation of the ceremonies. Remarkable specific vocabulary with original meaning is of particular use in the local minor Iranian languages in comparison with such major written national languages as Tajik language of Tajikistan and Dari Afghanistan. For example, in Ishkashimi language the word dumod is used only in the sense of ‘son-in-law‘, and in the meaning of ‘bridegroom‘ - only Å¡amard. Since the marriage and wedding ceremony has a special place in the spiritual culture of the people, the symbolic function is included into almost all the rites and ritual objects of it. During the ceremony, people wish of fertility, happiness, coming together and family well-being for the whole family and for the newlyweds. Thus, the terminology associated with these rites is preserved for a long time in the language; equally strong are numerous ritual prohibitions related to marriage. (shrink)

With the practically complete cessation of ethnological inquiries conducted in the field tinder the sponsorship of the French School of the Far East, monographs on South East Asia have become, since the end of the 1939-45 war, somewhat rare. Hence it is a pleasure to welcome the work of Mr. Evans on the religious life of the Dusuns of North Borneo. With its shortcomings and its merits, this book shows what can still be accomplished by the researcher who works alone, (...) at a time when the fashion is team-research. Mr. Evans visited the Tempasuk Sub-District in 1910, as a Cadet of the Chartered Company. From 1912 to 1933, he was curator of the museum of Perak in Malaya, and after a period of retirement in England between 1933-1938, he returned to Borneo and began to gather up the materials of the present study. Interned by the Japanese during the war, he could not resume his work until he was sixty years old. In his previous books he had given some information on the peoples of Malaya which supplemented the thick and still classic volumes of Skeat and Blagden. The present work, which resumes and sometimes corrects the documentation furnished in his Studies in Religion, Folklore, and Custom in British North Borneo and the Malay Peninsula, is divided into three parts: I, General Beliefs; II, Ceremonies, i.e., agrarian rites (one of the parts of the book which will be most interesting to specialists) and communal rites for the village with, among others, some interesting data on head-hunting, which was formerly practiced and which, according to the author, may spring into activity again. This part also includes some individual and domestic ceremonies (for cases of illness, bad dreams, etc.). Many of the rites involve the exposure and the donation of a sacrificial animal to the evil spirits supposed to be gathered outside of the houses. Part III is ‘Folktales’, and contains sixty-five tales which are closely related to the other two parts of the book. In the appendix are texts in the sacred language used by the Priestesses, with attempts at translation, as well as detailed descriptions of these priestesses’ ordination rites, and the details of a fertility rite. The materials of the book are thus rich from a functional point of view. Having lived for the most part by himself and without access to a specialised library, Mr. Evans has not undertaken the comparative analysis of his material. To do so would have increased considerably the size of an already long book; but one cannot help thinking that a discussion of his manuscript with other specialists would have avoided a certain number of repetitions and curtailed some minute descriptions. The author is always careful to tell us what he did not see as well as what he did see, and must be praised for this procedure. We have here, in fact, a truly descriptive work: the reader does not find reference to odier works on Borneo in the European languages, besides those of the author. Within these limits, however, the book justifies its publishers’ claims: it constitutes one of the most detailed descriptions we have of the religious life of a Borneo people. (shrink)

continent. 1.4 (2011): 310—311. Writing Death . Jeremy Fernando, foreword by Avital Ronell. Den Haag: Uitgeverij. 2011 ISBN: 978-90-817091-0-1 Rite and ceremony as well as legend bound the living and the dead in a common partnership. They were esthetic but they were more than esthetic. The rites of mourning expressed more than grief; the war and harvest dance were more than a gathering of energy for tasks to be performed; magic was more than a way of commanding forces of (...) nature to do the bidding of man; feasts were more than a satisfaction of hunger. Each of these communal modes of activity united the practical, the social, and the educative in an integrated whole having esthetic form.(1) Jeremy Fernando’s Writing Death is a sensitive attempt at exploring the depths and heights to which the processes of mourning can take us. Death, as an absence, renders all gestures (for what is mourning but a gesture with many faces) surrounding it at once as a possibility and an impossibility. Fernando poses questions that often elude the mourner and the mourned—the same, and different—by raising the specter of subject and object; by compelling the examination of what it actually means to mourn; and most crucially, by considering the very status of possibility itself that the act of mourning foregrounds. Mourning, he reminds us, is premised upon memory (remembrance, recollection), the shadow of forgetting upon which is perpetually cast—the inextricability between memory and forgetting haunts the living more than it does the dead. And if grief has anything to do with it, mourning can quite easily be mistaken for an attempt to remember in order to forget; an attempt, in other words, to deny death, deny the one thing that confirms mortality. As if living has anything to do with it. What, then, of writing death? It becomes an unceasing process of locating—and addressing—possibility itself: the passing as possibility; loss as possibility; impossibility as, and of, naming this possibility. In confronting the passing on, it is possible, nay inevitable, to move on, move away from the site of loss, of grief. All the while, we forget, Fernando reminds us, that mourning has little to do with the dead, and a whole lot to do with the living, the mourning self. Here, he echoes Dewey’s consolidation of rituals and ceremonies, of the dead and of the living, all as parts of a larger unity, of a social, public gesture meant to sate a private need: In trying to “get over it,” are we trying to get over ourselves? Or more than that: are we trying to get over the fact that we can never quite get over ourselves? (Fernando, 77) As if guilt has anything to do with it. And “it” continues to be the point that he is driving at, driving towards. “It” is the possibility and impossibility, death and life, memory and forgetting, lost and cherished. “It” is what eludes mourning, eludes attempts to overcome grief. Nonetheless, move on, he must. And Fernando does this in fewer moves than a 12-step program—hardly therapeutic, but intellectually satisfying. Writing Death attends to some of the pertinent aspects of the act of mourning—both as gesture and as meditation: eulogy, distress (call), tears, and the question of how (beyond ritual, beyond sentimentality) to mourn. And what’s love got to do with it? Everything and nothing. Mourning, after all, is an articulation of love, but it is also one that forces the mourner to be selective, as with myth-making, in the recollection: Remembering only ever occurs in exception to memory—quite possibly in betrayal of a memory. In this way, each remembrance is a naming of that memory, a naming of something as memory, bringing with it an act of violence. (40) Mourning is thus not only an act of fictionalizing, it is also an act of reading, to continually be compelled to respond to another, all the while keeping vigil against a reconceptualization of the dead, without, therefore, misreading the dead. This can only be done, Fernando argues, by all the while “maintaining the otherness of the other. After all, one must try not to forget that one cannot be too close—space is needed—to touch.” (82) There is also tacit acknowledgement that doing so foregrounds the fact that the selectivity of memory becomes exclusive, and concretizes into a singularity, thus negating the multi-dimensionality of a life lived – and thus killing the already dead. Writing Death is framed by two eulogies—or the approximations of eulogies; approximation because both foreground and call into question the eulogy as a genre. The first is Avital Ronell’s foreword to the book, remembering Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe; the second is Fernando’s own response to the passing of a mentor, Jean Baudrillard. Both are not merely attempts to philosophize their way out of the act of mourning. Both are in fact deeply moving pieces that remind us of the emotional possibilities that may reside within any intellectual undertaking, that the latter need not be cold and devoid of feelings. And whereas Writing Death does not attempt to make any philosophical claim for humanism, the underlying wistfulness of both pieces does suggest that there is a proper place for deep-seated human response to death. We can (and the book does) intellectualize and problematize the acts of mourning and grieving, but these do not diminish the fact that we mourn and grieve. And, framing Writing Death as the two eulogies do, Jeremy Fernando perhaps finally, and inadvertently, names “It”—it is, above everything else, Human. August, 2011 Singapore NOTES (1) Dewey, John. Art as Experience . New York: Perigee, 1934. (shrink)

A “white coat” ceremony functions as a rite of passage for students entering medical school. This comment provides a second option in response to the earlier, more enthusiastic, discussion of the ceremony by Raanan Gillon. While these ceremonies may serve important sociological functions, they raise three serious problems: whether the professional oath or “affirmation of professional commitment” taken in this setting has any legitimacy, how a sponsor of such a ceremony would know which oath or affirmation to administer, and (...) what the moral implications of this “bonding process” are. I argue that the initiation oath is morally meanignless if students are not aware of its content in advance, that different students ought to commit to different oaths, and that bonding of students to the medical profession necessarily separates them from identification with lay people who will be their patients. (shrink)

In his essay, ‘Aimances de Rousseau: Sur La Nouvelle Héloise comme traité des passions,’ Etienne Balibar analyses the structure of transition from love to friendship which are more than passions or sentiments; they are affective structures, interconnected within an affective network the political relevance of which transcends the dichotomy between the domestic and political sphere. Belonging to the genre of sentimental novel, Rousseaus Nouvelle Héloise transgresses the canonical structure of the genre in the eighteenth century. His innovative literary strategy, according (...) to Balibar, consists in creating couples and triangles of egalitarian and hierarchical status that cannot be considered independently but exclusively through their relational nature. This critical review focuses on the ‘figures of authority’ involved in La Nouvelle Héloise that parallel the figure of the legislator in the Social Contract. I argue that Rousseau struggles with the riddle of deference to auctoritas that does not undermine the basic principles of republican citizenship. I suggest that in Rousseau’s guiding thread, rites and ceremonies amount to founding cultural myths that are indispensable for any individual and collective relational identity. Reclaiming a psychoanalytic interpretation of the charismatic leader, Freudian figures of authority attract Balibar’s attention regarding the perilous, unquestioned forms of mass identification they trigger. In this vein, I claim that identification with the prestigious authority of an allegoric ‘legislator’ as depicted in the Social Contract also amounts to a conceptual ‘line of flight’ in Rousseau, indispensable to conceive plainly the unsettling potential of transindividuality. (shrink)

Preface -- The reality of God -- Status of the Gods -- Ancestors -- Human destiny and self-fulfillment -- Ozo as idealism -- Ozioko as realism -- Order -- Bibliography -- Index.

This book analyzes early Chinese ritual discourse during the Warring States and early Western Han Periods, arguing that the Ruists (Confucians) conceived ritual as primarily a dramaturgical matter, which had wide-ranging effects on the ways authors of early Chinese texts discussed matters of religion, ethics, and politics. It reveals how performance became a fundamental feature of political life, making theatrical "presence" a necessary element for either expression or deception in a community of spectators.

This work documents the ethical dilemmas faced by anthropologists and researchers in general when investigating Amerindian communities.

The centrality of death rituals has in anthropologically informed studies of Buddhism been little documented. The current volume brings together a range of perspectives on Buddhist death rituals including ethnographic, textual, historical and theoretically informed accounts, and presents the diversity of the Buddhist funeral cultures of mainland Southeast Asia and China. It arises out of the University of Bristol's Centre for Buddhist Studies research project Buddhist Death Rituals in Southeast Asia and China, funded by the United Kingdom's Arts and Humanities (...) Research Council. This project involved extensive new research in Thailand, Laos and China. Other items from that project included several public exhibitions, extensive stills photographs, and several video films. The project-team produced two 30 minutes films on the ghost festival in Laos and China, one on urban funerals in Chiang Mai (Thailand) and several shorter clips dealing with funeral cultures in Laos, Thailand and China. Most of this material (and an extensive bibliography on the topic) is available free of charge from the project website located at the webpage of the Department of Theology and Religious Studies (Centre for Buddhist Studies) at the University of Bristol. (shrink)

Periods of transition are often symbolically associated with death, making the latter the paradigm of liminality. Yet, many volumes on death in the social sciences and humanities do not specifically address liminality. This book investigates these "ultimate ambiguities," assuming they can pose a threat to social relationships because of the disintegrating forces of death, but they are also crucial periods of creativity, change, and emergent aspects of social and religious life. Contributors explore death and liminality from an interdisciplinary perspective and (...) present a global range of historical and contemporary case studies outlining emotional, cognitive, artistic, social, and political implications. (shrink)

Michael Jackson has spent much of his career elaborating his rich conception of lifeworlds, mining his ethnographic and personal experience for insights into how our subjective and social lives are mutually constituted. In How Lifeworlds Work, Jackson draws on years of ethnographic fieldwork in West Africa to highlight the dynamic quality of human relationships and reinvigorate the study of kinship and ritual. How, he asks, do we manage the perpetual process of accommodation between social norms and personal emotions, impulses, and (...) desires? How are these two dimensions of lived reality joined, and how are the dual imperatives of individual expression and collective viability managed? Drawing on the pragmatist tradition, psychology, and phenomenology, Jackson offers an unforgettable, beautifully written account of how we make, unmake, and remake, our lifeworlds. (shrink)

Edification 教化 is one of the central concepts of Confucianism. The metaphysical basis of the Confucian edification is the “philosophical theory” in the sense of rational humanism rather than the “religious doctrine” in the sense of pure faith. Confucianism did not create a system of ceremony and propriety owned by Confucians only. The system of ceremony and propriety on which Confucians depend to carry out their social edification is that of “rites and music,” the common life style of ancient (...) China. After continual metaphysical explanation and elevation, the system of ceremony and propriety and that of rites and music have undergone a sort of ever-evolving historical fluctuation, and evinced a sort of openness and forgiveness comparable to that of any other religious form. Compared with typical religious practices, whose ceremonies and rituals that have their own special fixity and exclusivity, Confucian ceremonies and rituals are fundamentally different. The edification of Confucianism can be labeled as “edification in the sense of philosophy.” As a “philosophy”, Confucianism’s vision did not focus on cognition but on completion and realization. (shrink)

In the twentieth century, in both China and the West, ritual became marginalized in the face of the growth of secularism and individualism. In China, Confucianism and its essentially ritualistic comportment to the world were vigorously suppressed during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) under Mao Zedong. But de-ritualization already took place as a result of the Chinese Revolution of 1911 under Sun Yat-Sen. In the West, while the process of de-ritualization has been generally more gradual, it has been nonetheless drastic. In (...) contrast to this situation, this volume investigates the crucial role ritual plays in constituting the human understanding of their place in the cosmos, the purpose of their lives, and imbues human existence with a more complete sense of meaningfulness. This volume presents the work of philosophers from both China and the West as they reflect upon the constitutive role that ritual plays in human life. They reflect not only on ritual in general but also on specific Confucian and Christian appreciations of ritual. This provocative volume is a beacon of warning to Western philosophers, who think they have graduated from the trappings of ritual, and a beacon of hope for Eastern thinkers, who wish to avoid cultural fragmentation. The Editors, both Eastern and Western, have together created a seamless work that not only introduces ritual, but advances an argument for the contribution that ritual makes to cultural renewal. This volume is a work of philosophical thinking about ritual doing, but challenges those who think to realize that the salvation of philosophical thinking rests in the particularity and contingency of ritual doing. Let us hope this volume is widely read, for it points to that which might renew the West. - Jeffrey P. Bishop, Saint Louis University. (shrink)

Edification 教化 is one of the central concepts of Confucianism. The metaphysical basis of the Confucian edification is the “philosophical theory” in the sense of rational humanism rather than the “religious doctrine” in the sense of pure faith. Confucianism did not create a system of ceremony and propriety owned by Confucians only. The system of ceremony and propriety on which Confucians depend to carry out their social edification is that of “rites and music,” the common life style of ancient (...) China. After continual metaphysical explanation and elevation, the system of ceremony and propriety and that of rites and music have undergone a sort of ever-evolving historical fluctuation, and evinced a sort of openness and forgiveness comparable to that of any other religious form. Compared with typical religious practices, whose ceremonies and rituals that have their own special fixity and exclusivity, Confucian ceremonies and rituals are fundamentally different. The edification of Confucianism can be labeled as “edification in the sense of philosophy.” As a “philosophy”, Confucianism’s vision did not focus on cognition but on completion and realization. (shrink)

Tout pouvoir politique se manifeste et par sa maîtrise de la contrainte et par la possibilité qu'il a de se dramatiser dans des cérémonies qui visent à intégrer et à mobiliser les administrés pour des actions communes. Il affirme simultanément sa légitimité, ses hiérarchies et ses priorités. Les exemples des rites du protocole, des élections municipales, des inaugurations et intronisations énoncent comment le politique se donne en spectacle et quels effets sociaux produisent de telles démonstrations. Outre les conditions les (...) plus favorables à l'apparition des rites, sont examinées la dynamique et l'obsolescence de ceux-ci selon les régimes politiques, ainsi que les raisons expliquant l'intérêt actuel des anthropologues pour les liturgies politiques.All political power is manifested and his mastery of stress and the ability he has to dramatize in ceremonies designed to integrate and mobilize administered for joint actions. He says its legitimacy simultaneously, hierarchies and priorities. Examples of rites protocol, municipal elections, inaugurations and state inductions how politics makes a spectacle and what social effects produce such demonstrations. In addition to the conditions most favorable to the emergence of rites are examined the dynamics and obsolescence as these political regimes, as well as the reasons for the current interest anthropologists liturgies for politicians. (shrink)

In his edicts, the emperor Aśoka Maurya extols brāhmaṇas, usually alongside ascetics (śramaṇas), as deserving honor and generosity, though he never alludes to their connection with ritual, the central theme of early Brahmanical literature. On the other hand, in Rock Edicts I and IX, he disparages sacrifices, and ceremonies performed by women, advocating instead the practice of ethical virtues. Close attention to the wording of Rock Edict IX shows that Aśoka and the Brahmanical Gṛhyasūtras talk about domestic rites (...) in very similar terms, even describing them with the same adjective (uccāvaca). Both of them note the special role of women as a source of knowledge of such ceremonies, and differ only in how they evalute the value of such ceremonial: Aśoka disparages women’s rites, while some Gṛhyasūtras explicitly validate women as authorities in such matters. A comparison of these sources highlights the distinctive role of the term dhamma in Aśoka’s usage (in contrast to maṅgala (auspicious folk rites), and may provide some guidance for dating the Gṛhyasūtras. The fact that Aśoka does not explicitly connect such rites with the brāhmaṇas suggests that in his experience at least (i.e., in Magadha) Brahmins’ religious authority had nothing to do with domestic ritual. We may conclude that the Vedic canonization of Gṛhya ritual norms was not yet recognized outside of priestly circles, if it had developed yet at all. (shrink)

Quand point l'année nouvelle, chacun se soumet au cérémonial des voeux, interminables et impersonnels (la sacro-sainte triade santé-bonheur-réussite!), auquel se greffe la tragi-comédie des grandes résolutions dans une cascade déprimante de ne plus dont rien ou presque ne subsiste quelques jours après. S'y ajoutent les rituels et les folklores qui, sous toutes les latitudes et dans toutes les cultures humaines, leur font écho. Chacun s'y prête à chaque fois (cette répétition donne le vertige) avec un enthousiasme qui décroît en général (...) au fil des ans. Et si, à l'heure d'entrebâiller la porte de Janvier, qui restera close un an encore, il devenait urgent et même vital de lever les yeux du compte à rebours universel pour passer du trompe-l'oeil de la carte de voeux et de la vraie-fausse résolution au rendez-vous enfin pris avec soi-même? Et si dire oui, faire oui à la manière nietzschéenne, c'était simple comme le Nouvel An? Telle est l'invitation philosophique que ce livre, écrit dans une langue volontairement accessible au plus grand nombre sans rien céder sur le fond de la pensée, adresse à toutes celles et à tous ceux qui souhaitent ne pas laisser filer indéfiniment, année après année, l'occasion de devenir ce qu'ils sont. (shrink)

朱熹是宋代理学的集大成者，也是成就斐然的礼学大家。他一生议礼、考礼，对礼的本质、价值、结构、功能进行了具有理学特色的阐述，对古代礼制也悉心潜玩，博考深辨，其见解多为后代礼学家所称引。朱熹礼学是其宏大的 理学体系的重要组成部分，在经学思想史上具有非常重要的地位，对宋元以降的中国乃至整个东亚社会产生了深刻的影响。本书从朱熹的三《礼》学思想入手，从学、理、用三个层面对朱熹礼学进行了系统论述，将文本分析与思 想、社会、政治的互动结合起来，考察了朱熹礼学思想形成的背景、内容及其特点。对困惑学界多年的朱熹晚年思想转型、朱熹为何要编撰《仪礼经传通解》、朱熹如何处理礼学与理学的关系等重要学术问题也作了进一步的探索 。.

本书将先秦诸子置于先秦时期广阔的历史和文化背景之下,有别于学界常用的从史学或经学维度研究礼学,而是注重对先秦诸子礼学的哲学和思想层面的研究,既从哲学高度考察和梳理了先秦道家、儒家、墨家和法家代表性人物 如老子、庄子、孔子、孟子、苟子、墨子、商鞅、韩非等人礼学思想的基本内容和基本结构.

정체전중변(正體傳重辨) 3편과 논문 6편을 우리말 로 옮기고 주를 달았다.