Suppose that the true structural equation is Y = X + U, where U is n(0,1), X is n(0,1), and X and U µ be the mean of X, y µ the mean of Y, x σ the standard deviation of are independent. Now let x..

Guidelines advise that x-rays do not contribute to the clinical management of simple nasal fractures. However, in cases of simple nasal fracture secondary to assault, a facial x-ray may provide additional legal evidence should the victim wish to press charges, though there is no published guidance. We examine the ethical and medico-legal issues surrounding this controversial area.

This book examines the significance of Malcolm X as a social theorist. Though Malcolm X has been studied and written about extensively, this is the first book to offer an in depth analysis of his contributions to critical social theory.

The various attempts to find the definitive political thought of Malcolm X, after his break with the Nation of Islam, have resulted in clashing interpretations. Malcolm X’s speeches, writings, and other public forums are the root cause of the tensions. Malcolm X’s thinking is most rich and informative if its ambiguities are accepted as such and each side of a particular tension is explored. Each pole of the four tensions identified here is highly relevant for present American (...) racial dilemmas and racial progress. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Malcolm X and Black Nationality—from Separation to Human RightsSefi Josef Kuperman1. Black Nationalism and the Issue of SeparationThe first question we have to raise when discussing the thought of Malcolm X is "Which Malcolm X are we discussing?" Malcolm X, who was a member of the Nation of Islam (1952–1964) and served as its speaker, is not the same Malcolm who left the organization (...) and founded Muslim Mosque, Inc. (1964), and both are different from the Malcolm who embraced Sunni Islam (from 1964 until his assassination in 1965). In each of these periods, Malcolm held a different perception of the desired future of members of black communities in the United States. Despite that, Malcolm X remained faithful to the idea of black nationality throughout his active years—even if the contents of this idea changed along the years. In this paper, I show that the developments that took place within Malcolm's positions, and specifically the changes on the issue of emigration, do not affect his support for black nationalism.I do not begin this discussion with an attempt to define black nationalism, as there is no one clearly and timelessly defined black nationalism. The perception of black nationalism that took center stage in the nineteenth century is fundamentally different from that of the twentieth century. In fact, as we will soon see, even in the nineteenth century, one can find conceptual plurality of black nationalisms, and the same is true for the twentieth century.Malcom's activism begins in the days of abundant civil and governmental support for the practice of racial segregation. Facing it is the Nation of Islam organization, of which Malcolm is a member in the first phase of his activism, calling for—in a sort of amplified mirror-image, redesigned so as to remove the sting of white nationalism—a complete territorial separation between whites and blacks, for the benefit of the black community, of course. The [End Page 23] organization links this call to what is termed "the racial problem" and argues that territorial separation is the only solution to the problem (Essien-Udom 259).When discussing separation, rather than emigration, in the context of the Nation of Islam, the emphasis is on Elijah Muhammad's (hereafter: E. Muhammad) demand for the US government to allocate a dedicated territory for the founding of the physical black nation.1 Along with land—and here we encounter a motif that is repeated in Malcolm X's speeches—is the demand for material aid for some time, so the black nation can find its footing (Essien-Udom 260). In fact, it is a call for independence on a territory allocated for that purpose, but part of the territory of the United States. Later, at the beginning of Malcolm's second phase of activism, after leaving the Nation of Islam, he said the following in a radio interview with A. B. Spellman:Spellman:What is the program for achieving your goals of separation?Malcolm:A better word to use than separation is independence. This word separation is misused. The thirteen colonies separated from England but they called it the Declaration of Independence; they don't call it the Declaration of Separation, they call it the Declaration of Independence. When you're independent of someone you can separate from them. If you can't separate from them, it means you're not independent of them.(Malcolm X, "Independence, Not Separation" 71–72)Whereas separation is a negative move—I break away from something—independence is a positive one: I become my own sovereign. In order to illustrate this, Malcolm argues, "[w]hen you're independent of someone, you can separate from them"—that is, that independence is a sufficient condition for separation. To this, he adds: "If you can't separate from them, it means you're not independent of them." That is, Malcolm emphasizes that separation is a necessary condition for independence. On the other hand, however, Malcolm's phrasing implies that separation is not enough for independence. Independence includes another process that separation lacks. It is therefore not "a better word," as stated in the beginning of the answer, but another process... (shrink)

From Detroit Red to El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz, the man best known as Malcolm X restlessly redefined himself throughout a controversial life. His transformations have appeared repeatedly in books, photographs, paintings, and films, while his murder set in motion a series of tugs-of-war among journalists, biographers, artists, and his ideological champions over the interpretation of his cultural meaning. This book marks the first systematic examination of the images generated by this iconic cultural figure--images readily found on everything from T-shirts and (...) hip-hop album covers to coffee mugs. Graeme Abernethy captures both the multiplicity and global import of a person who has been framed as both villain and hero, cast by mainstream media during his lifetime as "the most feared man in American history," and elevated at his death as a heroic emblem of African American identity. As Abernethy shows, the resulting iconography of Malcolm X has shifted as profoundly as the American racial landscape itself. Abernethy explores Malcolm's visual prominence in the eras of civil rights, Black Power, and hip-hop. He analyzes this enigmatic figure's representation across a variety of media from 1960s magazines to urban murals, tracking the evolution of Malcolm's iconography from his autobiography and its radical milieu through the appearance of Spike Lee's 1992 biopic and beyond. Its remarkable gallery of illustrations includes reproductions of iconic photographs by Richard Avedon, Eve Arnold, Gordon Parks, Henri Cartier-Bresson, and John Launois. Abernethy reveals that Malcolm X himself was keenly aware of the power of imagery to redefine identity and worked tirelessly to shape how he was represented to the public. His theoretical grasp of what he termed "the science of imagery" enabled him both to analyze the role of representation in ideological control as well as to exploit his own image in the interests of black empowerment. This provocative work marks a startling shift from the biographical focus that has dominated Malcolm X studies, providing an up-to-date--and comprehensively illustrated--account of Malcolm's cultural afterlife, and addressing his iconography in relation to images of other major African American figures, including Martin Luther King, Jr., Angela Davis, Kanye West, and Barack Obama. Analyzing the competing interpretations behind so many images, Abernethy reveals what our lasting obsession with Malcolm X says about American culture over the last five decades. (shrink)

_The Autobiography of Malcolm X_ highlights the eponymous subject’s conversion from aimless rage and criminality to a form of militant study while in prison, a conversion dedicated to understanding the societal foundations of power and racial inequality. Central to this understanding is the idea that new philosophical perspectives and ‘thought-patterns’ are necessary to reprogramme dominant or ‘brainwashed’ mindsets towards organising political resistance. In this article, I explore Malcolm X’s concepts of ‘conversion’ and ‘prison’, identifying them, not only as (...) mere spatiotemporal locations, but also as larger frames in which Malcolm conceives of domination and freedom. I identify Malcolm’s three-aspect account of domination through which radical education and mental liberation drive his project of Black nationalism. I then consider the significance of an unexpected ally invoked by Malcolm: the 17th century philosopher Benedict de Spinoza, described as a ‘Black Spanish Jew’ and presented as an oppositional figure to the western philosophical canon. While this alliance is partly rhetorical, if overlooked, both work through problems of ‘epistemic agency’ and ‘democratic civic agency’ as vital for ameliorating domination and enhancing freedom. Malcolm and Spinoza offer distinct but significant contributions to ideas of domination and freedom in terms of both an individual and a collective capacity to think and act. (shrink)

The text provides a phenomenological analysis of The Autobiography of Malcolm X taken from the subjective perspective offered by Malik Shabazz (Malcolm X). Central to this process is the ever evolving and shifting relationality between Malcolm’s specific point of view and the social world he must take-up.

Many will ask what Harlem finds to honor in the stormy, controversial and bold young captain. And we will smile. And we will answer and say unto them: Did you ever talk to Brother Malcolm? Did he ever touch you? Did you have him smile at you? Did he ever do a mean thing? Was he ever himself associated with violence or any public disturbance? For if you did, you would know him and if you knew him you would (...) know why we must honor him. (shrink)

The Man of Wiles in Popular Arabic Literature: A Study of a Medieval Arab Hero. By Malcolm C. Lyons. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2012. Pp. x + 254. $105.

In this interview, poet, playwright and human rights activist, Sonia Sanchez, offers rare commentary on her creative process and her life as an artist-activist. Sanchez discusses her childhood in Alabama and the influence of her father and her grandmother in her work. She talks about her dissatisfactions with organized religion, the meaning of spirituality in her life, and the challenge of living a principled life. Sanchez also describes her encounter with Malcolm X, her experience in the Nation of Islam (...) and gender tensions in the Black Arts Movement. Finally, Prof. Sanchez offers advice to young hip hop artists and explains her creative process as a writer. (shrink)

This article explores the prospects for a eudaimonist moral theory that is both feminist and Aristotelian. Making the moral philosophy developed by Aristotle compatible with a feminist moral perspective presents a number of philosophical challenges. Lisa Tessman offers one of the most sustained feminist engagements with Aristotelian eudaimonism. However, in arguing for the account of flourishing that her eudaimonist theory invokes, Tessman avoids taking a stand either for or against the role Aristotle assigned to human nature. She draws her account (...) of flourishing instead from the beliefs about flourishing implicit in the feminist and black freedom movements. I examine the implicit conception of flourishing in the writings of two prominent leaders of the black freedom movement—Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X—and argue that Tessman's attempt to avoid the “sticky issue” of human nature is not successful. Tessman's defense of the burdened virtues depends on a particular reading of human nature as does a eudaimonist account of the virtues more generally. (shrink)

Drawing from the lives of Ossie Davis, Frantz Fanon, Malcolm X, and W. E. B. Du Bois, as well as his own experience, and fully updated to account for what has transpired since the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement, Yancy provides an invaluable resource for students and teachers of courses in African American Studies, African American History, Philosophy of Race, and anyone else who wishes to examine what it means to be Black in America.

"Enclosing an article which appeared in The Liberator in June 1970, A. Sivanandan, a Ceylonese living in England since 1958, wrote a covering letter which ran as follows:" I have written this piece with great trepidation. I am not, in the literal sense of the term, a Black man, or an American. Nor do I merit, in terms of action, that title of revolutionary which might allow me an entry into your parleys. I have, further, no right to talk to (...) you about your problems. But if you will extend to me Malcolm X's definition of color, then I see no dichotomy between your concern for your people and mine-united as we are by a common oppression and a common hope. For too long the peoples of South Asia have kept out of your conference chambers—for too long you have kept them out. America is not only in Vietnam and Laos and Cambodia. America is in our countries too-the power behind all our thrones. And the elites of our countries appear less likely to give up power than those in the countries of Nyerere and Obote and Boumedienne. To be Western and English-speaking is still their ambition. Identity-tribal, communal, linguistic-is a ploy to keep native peoples apart. In these circumstances, the thinking, the experience of Black Americans has become very much a part of our own. You reflect our problems, our concerns, our possible solutions. Your furious debate between cultural and revolutionary nationalism has particular bearing on the linguistic nationalism that threatens to tear my own country apart. Your problem, you see, is mine-in more ways than one. That is my justification for intruding these reflections on you. (shrink)

This book presents the first comprehensive treatment of Aristotle's theory of autonomous scientificdisciplines and the systematic connections between them: analogy, focality, and cumulation.

How are we meant to behave? And how are we to defend whatever answer we give? Morals and Consent grounds our notion of morality in natural evolution, and from that basis, Malcolm Murray shows why contractarianism is a far more viable moral theory than is widely believed. The scope of Morals and Consent has two main parts: theory and application. In his discussion of theory, Murray defends contractarianism by appealing to evolutionary game theory and metaethical analyses. His main argument (...) is that we are not going to find morality as an objective fact in the world, and that instead, we can understand morality as a reciprocal cooperative trait. From this minimal moral architecture, Murray derives his innovative consent principle. The application of the theory, detailing what contractarians can – or ought to – say about moral matters, takes up the greater portion of the work. Murray offers a trenchant examination of what moral constraints we can claim concerning death, sex, beneficence, and liberty. By focusing on evolutionary contractarianism and the epistemic justification of our moral claims – or lack thereof – Malcolm Murray’s Morals and Consent is a serious advance in the field of applied ethics and fills an important void. (shrink)