This paper concerns a collection of rough-hewn flat stelae excavated from the precinct of Zeus Meilichios in Selinus, Sicily between 1915 and 1926, a majority with two heads or busts, one male and one female, carved at their tops. These crudely fashioned idols are unique in their iconography. They combine the flat inscribed Punic stela with the Greek figural tradition, with some indigenous features. Their meaning is totally obscure – especially since they lack any literary reference. No comparable (...) monuments have been found in ancient Mediterranean cult. The twin stelae were often set up above a collection of burnt rodent and bird bones, ashes, lamps, broken and burnt pottery and terracotta figurines, as a memorial of a sacrifice. The stelae were the objects of a gentilicial cult, similar to that posited for the inscribed “Meilichios stones” with which they shared the Field of Stelae of Zeus Meilichios. The theory advanced here interprets these diminutive stelae as the objects of domestic cult. It was customary in many parts of the ancient Mediterranean, from the Bronze Age down to the Roman period, to venerate household or family gods who protected the health and the wealth of the family. They were thought to embody the spirits of the ancestors and could at times be identified with the gods of the state religion. This divine couple whose effigies were dedicated in the Field of Stelae over a period of four centuries, into the third century, cannot be claimed as Greek or Punic deities. What these nameless protectors of the family were called we cannot say: Meilichios and Meilichia, Father and Mother, or Lord and Lady of the household? As the objects of such a personal domestic cult, their names might have differed with each family. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:A Lex Sacra from SelinousBorimir JordanMichael H. Jameson, David R. Jordan, and Roy D. Kotansky. A Lex Sacra from Selinous. Greek, Roman and Byzantine Monographs, 1993. xii + 171 pp. 3 figs. 19 pls.The sacred law receiving its editio princeps in this monograph was a gift to the Getty Museum whose curator asked the authors to publish it. Since the Museum does not exhibit material of chiefly historical (...) interest, it donated the inscription to the Republic of Italy in 1992. The law is inscribed on the largest lead tablet known to the authors (0.597 x 0.23 x 0.002 m.). The tablet is broken on all sides; its text is written in two columns, A and B, upside down to one another. From the letter forms, and the mention of Zeus Meilichios and the proper name Myskos the authors infer Selinous as the place of provenience. A comparison of the letter forms with those of other inscriptions from the region suggests the mid–fifth century B.C. or slightly earlier as the date of the document. The dialect is a variety of West Greek, agreeing with the language of Megara Nisaia and its colonies. All this is set forth in exemplary fashion in Chapters I and II, along with a transcription and translation of the text accompanied by an extensive commentary with thorough and generally very enlightening discussion of all aspects of the law.The inscription is unlike most sacred laws in that it sets out proper ritual procedure rather than regulating cult finances or the perquisites of officials. The two parts, A and B, share a concern with purification, with A concentrating on sacrifice and giving instructions to a group, while B addresses one person seeking purification. Other rituals mentioned include libations, aspersions, anointing, turning around, and setting out a table and couch, which last the authors interpret as a θεοξενία. These matters and much more are expounded with acuity and a wealth of supporting evidence in Chapters III–VIII, which form the bulk of the book and contain much interesting information more or less closely related to the law. A summary of the evidence assembled in the commentary is followed by a close study of the various rituals (III, IV). After a survey of the supernatural figures, including helpful lists of the cults of Zeus Meilichios, the Tritopatores, et al. (V), the authors investigate the influence of Punic religion on the cult of Zeus Meilichios, and possible connections between the law and curse tablets from Selinous (VII, IX). Overviews of the history of Selinous and of the archaeology of Meilichios' precinct round out the book (VI, VIII).In column A, certain, a new word interpreted by the authors as members of an, are to perform sacrifices to Zeus Eumenes (a new by-name), Meilichios, and the Eumenides before the festival of the Kotytia and the Olympic truce. The most remarkable feature in A is the transformation of "impure" into "pure"Tritopatores. The "impure" receive sacrifices "as heroes"; after purification with wine poured through the roof of a (subterranean?) structure, "as gods." A group's collective ancestors and patrons of procreation, the Tritopatores elsewhere had both national and gentilitial cults without shrines and images. [End Page 326] At Selinous they were the spirits of family members only, not of the citizens as a whole, and had a shrine which is undiscovered as yet. Closely connected with the cult of the Selinountine Tritopatores was that of Zeus Meilichios, a god of purification associated with underworld figures, and usually worshipped in precincts without temples by individuals and groups below the level of the polis. The Selinous text locates Meilichios "in Myskos' " and "in Euthydamos' " which the authors, probably correctly, interpret as "in the plots of."They stress the private, gentilitial aspects of the law in A, drawing a rather sharp distinction between public and private cult. Since the state clearly had an interest in the proper performance of the rites, the authors are at pains to explain the connections between the public and private aspects of the regulations: Myskos and Euthydamos were historical figures and founders of clans having charge of cults which later came to... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:A Lex Sacra from SelinousBorimir JordanMichael H. Jameson, David R. Jordan, and Roy D. Kotansky. A Lex Sacra from Selinous. Greek, Roman and Byzantine Monographs, 1993. xii + 171 pp. 3 figs. 19 pls.The sacred law receiving its editio princeps in this monograph was a gift to the Getty Museum whose curator asked the authors to publish it. Since the Museum does not exhibit material of chiefly historical (...) interest, it donated the inscription to the Republic of Italy in 1992. The law is inscribed on the largest lead tablet known to the authors (0.597 x 0.23 x 0.002 m.). The tablet is broken on all sides; its text is written in two columns, A and B, upside down to one another. From the letter forms, and the mention of Zeus Meilichios and the proper name Myskos the authors infer Selinous as the place of provenience. A comparison of the letter forms with those of other inscriptions from the region suggests the mid–fifth century B.C. or slightly earlier as the date of the document. The dialect is a variety of West Greek, agreeing with the language of Megara Nisaia and its colonies. All this is set forth in exemplary fashion in Chapters I and II, along with a transcription and translation of the text accompanied by an extensive commentary with thorough and generally very enlightening discussion of all aspects of the law.The inscription is unlike most sacred laws in that it sets out proper ritual procedure rather than regulating cult finances or the perquisites of officials. The two parts, A and B, share a concern with purification, with A concentrating on sacrifice and giving instructions to a group, while B addresses one person seeking purification. Other rituals mentioned include libations, aspersions, anointing, turning around, and setting out a table and couch, which last the authors interpret as a θεοξενία. These matters and much more are expounded with acuity and a wealth of supporting evidence in Chapters III–VIII, which form the bulk of the book and contain much interesting information more or less closely related to the law. A summary of the evidence assembled in the commentary is followed by a close study of the various rituals (III, IV). After a survey of the supernatural figures, including helpful lists of the cults of Zeus Meilichios, the Tritopatores, et al. (V), the authors investigate the influence of Punic religion on the cult of Zeus Meilichios, and possible connections between the law and curse tablets from Selinous (VII, IX). Overviews of the history of Selinous and of the archaeology of Meilichios' precinct round out the book (VI, VIII).In column A, certain, a new word interpreted by the authors as members of an, are to perform sacrifices to Zeus Eumenes (a new by-name), Meilichios, and the Eumenides before the festival of the Kotytia and the Olympic truce. The most remarkable feature in A is the transformation of "impure" into "pure"Tritopatores. The "impure" receive sacrifices "as heroes"; after purification with wine poured through the roof of a (subterranean?) structure, "as gods." A group's collective ancestors and patrons of procreation, the Tritopatores elsewhere had both national and gentilitial cults without shrines and images. [End Page 326] At Selinous they were the spirits of family members only, not of the citizens as a whole, and had a shrine which is undiscovered as yet. Closely connected with the cult of the Selinountine Tritopatores was that of Zeus Meilichios, a god of purification associated with underworld figures, and usually worshipped in precincts without temples by individuals and groups below the level of the polis. The Selinous text locates Meilichios "in Myskos' " and "in Euthydamos' " which the authors, probably correctly, interpret as "in the plots of."They stress the private, gentilitial aspects of the law in A, drawing a rather sharp distinction between public and private cult. Since the state clearly had an interest in the proper performance of the rites, the authors are at pains to explain the connections between the public and private aspects of the regulations: Myskos and Euthydamos were historical figures and founders of clans having charge of cults which later came to... (shrink)

The Right has a long history of questioning the importance of race analysis. Recently, the conceptual and political status of race has come under increased scrutiny from the Left. Bracketing the language of ‘race’ has meant that the discourse of skin groups remains at the level of abstraction and does not speak to real groups as such. As a descriptor, race essentializes identity as if skin color were a reliable way to perceive one's self and group as well as others, (...) and questions the viability of a social struggle based on race. In other words, race is not real and discourses that insist on its objective status are ensnared in reification. The response—equally from the Left—has been to reassert the centrality and changing dynamics of race in education and society. They argue that we need to develop more, rather than less, complex discourses on race. Orientations that attempt to discredit race analysis are therefore unable to dismantle the racial system because they refuse its significance as an autonomous system of interpellations. In other words, race is real. This essay appraises the debate within the Left about the status of race, their projections about the future of race, and the kind of struggle they promote in order to realize a society freed from the chains of racism. (shrink)

_Critical Pedagogy and Race_ argues that a rigorous engagement with race is a priority for educators concerned with equality in schools and in society. A landmark collection arguing that engaging with race at both conceptual and practical levels is a priority for educators. Builds a stronger engagement of race-based analysis in the field of critical pedagogy. Brings together a melange of theories on race, such as Afro-centric, Latino-based, and postcolonial perspectives. Includes historical studies, and social justice ideas on activism in (...) education. Questions popular concepts, such as white privilege, color-blind perspectives, and race-neutral pedagogies. (shrink)

Hermeneutics, or the science of interpretation,is well accepted in the humanities. In thefield of education, hermeneutics has played arelatively marginal role in research. It isthe task of this essay to introduce thegeneral methods and findings of Paul Ricoeur'shermeneutics. Specifically, the essayinterprets the usefulness of Ricoeur'sphilosophy in the study of domination. Theproblem of domination has been a target ofanalysis for critical pedagogy since itsinception. However, the role of interpretationas a constitutive part of ideology critique isrelatively understudied and it is here thatRicoeur's (...) ideas are instructive. Last, theessay radicalizes Ricoeur's insights in orderto realize their potential to disruptasymmetrical relations of power in education. To this extent, the author contributes to thebuilding of a critical brand of hermeneutics,or the interpretation of domination. (shrink)

This article is intended to appraise the insights gained from Critical Race Theory (CRT) in Education. It is particularly interested in CRT's relationship with Marxist discourse, which falls under two questions. One, how does CRT understand Marxist concepts, such as capital, which show up in the way CRT appropriates them? The article argues that Marxist concepts, such as historical classes, class-for-itself, are useful for race analysis as it sets parameters around the conceptual use of historical races and a race-for-itself. Two, (...) how does CRT understand the role of capitalism, therefore shedding light on its position regarding the class problem? It is no doubt attentive to class power, but this is not the same as performing an immanent critique of capitalism. As a result, within CRT class achieves a color whereby class becomes a variant of race, better known as classism. Race becomes the theory with class vocabulary superimposed on it. Last, I suggest areas where CRT could combine with Marxism in order to forge a Critical Raceclass Theory of Education. (shrink)

The phrase ‘the edge of race’ can be used both as a description and as a response to two key concerns. The first of these is that while race is increasingly on the periphery of education policy – with a growing disregard shown for racist inequities, as education systems become dominated by market-driven concerns – it is important that we map the shifting relations of race in neoliberal politics and policies. The second concern is that at this time, within and (...) outside the spaces of the academy, even to mention race equity is to risk condemnation, marginalization, and ridicule. The authors in this collection use ‘the edge of race’ as a provocation in order to examine the concepts, methodologies, policies, politics, processes, and practices associated with race and racism in education. The chapters offer empirical examples of the perpetuation and perniciousness of racism that point to the continued salience of research about race. Additionally, the chapters make contributions to conceptual and methodological understandings of race and racism. The contributors illustrate the contingency, productivity, and fragility of race as a concept, and point to how educational research continues to be a contested site in, and from which to study, race and education. This book was originally published as a special issue of _Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education. _. (shrink)

Dans la société grecque antique, le tirage au sort était utilisé à des fins diverses, notamment pour la distribution (e.g. du butin), la sélection (e.g. des magistrats) et la procédure (e.g. l’établissement d’une alternance). Contrairement à l’inégalité des résultats attendue dans les jeux dits « de hasard » (par exemple, les jeux de dés), les Grecs anciens aspiraient souvent à l’égalité des résultats, par exemple, dans « l’héritage des parts par tirage au sort ». Les Grecs attendaient-ils des dieux qu’ils (...) déterminent les résultats du tirage au sort? Le tirage au sort était-il dès lors considéré comme une sorte de divination? L’examen des mythes de tirage au sort parmi les dieux grecs, tels qu’ils apparaissent notamment chez Homère et Hésiode, conduit à la conclusion inverse : lorsque, par exemple, Zeus, Hadès et Poséidon se partageaient leurs provinces ou « honneurs » (la mer, les enfers, le ciel), à la fois en tant que frères héritiers et en tant que vainqueurs se répartissant un butin, ils ne se tournaient certainement pas vers un autre dieu pour déterminer la réponse. Le tirage au sort dépend de la souveraineté du groupe qui décide de recourir à cette procédure ; il définit les contours-mêmes de ce qui constitue un groupe légitime, c’est-à-dire ceux qui ont accès au partage ; il souligne l’égalité des chances pour tous les participants et tente d’assurer l’égalité et l’équité des résultats. Dans l’ensemble, à l’exception des oracles explicitement associés au tirage au sort, chez les Grecs anciens, ce dernier était une affaire humaine. (shrink)

Thundering Zeus. The Making of Hellenistic Bactria. Frank L. Holt., University of California Press, Berkeley and London 1999. xviii, 221 pp. ISBN 0-520-21140-5.

L’examen de l’ensemble des données relatives au culte de Zeus Polieus à Athènes, tant dans l’asty que dans les dèmes (fin du vie s. – début du iiie s. ap. J.-C.), permet de mettre en évidence trois dimensions de ce dieu : son ancrage fondamentalement acropolitain ; sa position élevée, dont il tire de possibles compétences en matière agricole ; son rôle politique. Toutefois, ce dernier aspect ne doit pas être surévalué : à Athènes, le Polieus n’est ni un (...) dieu tutélaire ni un protecteur actif de la cité. Il semble plutôt garantir l’unité de la communauté politique et surtout la position tutélaire d’Athéna (Polias) ; c’est du moins ce que laisse entendre une glose d’Hésychios qui propose un récit étiologique des Bouphonies sensiblement différent de celui, bien connu, transmis par le De Abstinentia de Porphyre. The study of the evidence regarding the cult of Zeus Polieus in Athens, in the asty as well as in the demes (end of 6th c. – beginning of 3rd c. CE), allows us to emphasize three main dimensions of the god. These are: his fundamental rooting on the Acropolis, the highness of his location — which explains his probable agricultural skills — and his political role. The Polieus’ political capacity shall not be overestimated, though: in Athens, he is neither a tutelary god nor an active protector of the polis. He rather seems to guarantee the unity of the political community and, above all, the tutelary position of Athena (Polias). At least, this is what an aetiological tale for the Bouphonia, found in a gloss from Hesychios, seems to show. Indeed, this version of the myth differs noticeably from the more famous one from Pophyry’s De Abstinentia. (shrink)

In his treatise On Isis and Osiris, Plutarch tries to explain the meaning of a statue or image of Zeus in Crete, which had no ears. An Egyptian or Egyptianizing image with separate ears, perhaps on a stele, incomprehensible to Greeks, but common in Egypt, might have given rise to Plutarch’s bafflement and fantasy interpretation.Dans son traité De Iside et Osiride, Plutarque essaie d’expliquer la signification d’une statue ou d’une image de Zeus en Crète, qui n’avait aucune oreille. (...) Une image égyptienne ou « égyptianisante » avec des oreilles séparées, peut-être sur une stèle, incompréhensible aux Grecs mais commune en Égypte, pourrait avoir provoqué la perplexité de Plutarque et son interprétation fantaisiste. (shrink)

The papyrus fragments that belong almost certainly to Sophocles' Inacbos have been admirably discussed by Pfeiffer andCarden.1 But one remarkable feature that has never been explained adequatelyis the apparent reference to a black Zeus. P. Oxy. 2369 contains a fragmentarydescription of a stranger turning Io into a cow with a touch of his hand and thenleaving the palace.

Abstract:The dominant interpretation of Zeus' words at Iliad 20.21, which regards μέλουσί μοι ὀλλύμενοί περ as an expression of sympathy for dying warriors, poses a number of serious contextual and lexical problems. This article argues that Il. 20.21 is not an expression of compassion, but attention. Zeus is not concerned for dying warriors, but attentive to them, as indeed his deadly βουλή (Il. 20.20) requires him to be. The interpretation of Il. 20.21 has relevance to questions of great (...) significance for the interpretation of the Iliad, including Zeus' relationship to humans and the meaning of the Διὸς βουλή. (shrink)

Rivault’s book offers a comprehensive overview of the religious landscape of Caria as it relates to cults of Zeus, and is a reworked version of her doctoral thesis, examined at the University of Bordeaux in 2016. The book is structured around three chapters that each seek to speak to different elements of Zeus’ domain, with a short introduction and conclusion. The bulk of the text consists of what is effectively a catalogue of the different cult epicleses of (...) class='Hi'>Zeus that are found in Caria acros... (shrink)

This article explores the significance of the following fact: in neither the Iliad nor the Odyssey does one find a simile about Zeus. I argue that just as ancient Near Eastern texts characterize a god by declaring it impossible to fashion a comparison about him or her, so the Homeric epics characterize Zeus by avoiding statements in the shape “Zeus (is) like X.”.

Zusammenfassung Die Anfragen an das Zeusorakel in Dodona sind eine einzigartige Quelle. Die Anfragen gelten den alltäglichen Anliegen von Menschen verschiedener Herkunft und geben den Blick frei auf die griechische Welt jenseits von Athen und Sparta. Die Veröffentlichung von 4.216 neuen Inschriften im Jahr 2013 hat unsere Datengrundlage vervielfacht und ermöglicht eine quantitative Auswertung der Anfragen. Dieser Aufsatz erschließt dieses Potenzial für die Wirtschaftsgeschichte. Er diskutiert methodische Schwierigkeiten bei der Interpretation der Anfragen und formuliert erste Thesen. Bereits im 5. Jahrhundert (...) v. Chr. war selbst die Wirtschaft einer eher abgelegenen Region wie Epirus von geldbasiertem Austausch und hoher Mobilität geprägt. Austausch und Mobilität erfolgten allerdings weitgehend innerhalb regionaler Grenzen und waren sozial eingebettet. (shrink)

The myth in Plotinus is a constitutive element of his metaphysics, as it is present in several treatises of the Enneads as an element aimed at justifying certain metaphysical theses through recourse to an analogy with the ancient tradition. In the case of the divine triad Ouranos‑Kronos‑Zeus, the relationship is extremely problematic since, from a Platonic perspective, these figures relate to two dialogues in particular : the Cratylus and the Timaeus. Regarding the Cratylus, the greatest difficulty for Plotinus lies (...) in matching the Socratic etymological method with the actual nature of the hypostases. From this point of view, the role of Ouranos appears particularly problematic since the very nature of the first principle is incompatible with Platonic etymology. As far as the Timaeus is concerned, a fundamental role is that of Zeus as demiurge, which respects all the problematic nature of the Plotinian perspective, which is unable to precisely delineate the role of the demiurge, for which Zeus is twofold : Intellect and Soul. It thus emerges how the role of the Cratylus and Timaeus are merely strategic for Plotinus, called upon only to justify his metaphysical theses. The myth thus has the role of justifying an analogy between the metaphysics of hypostasis and the archaic tradition, but it presents problems of interpretative oscillation that Plotinus himself does not seem able to resolve. (shrink)

Recent work on Callimachus has tended to concentrate on the technicalities of his poetry. Commentaries on the Hymns have dealt exhaustively with vocabulary, metrics, Homeric allusion, historical background. What remains to be done is to use these detailed pieces of work in readings of the individual poems, showing how the commentator's minutiae can be assimilated into an overall view of each hymn. In Hellenistische Dichtung Wilamowitz attempted such an appreciation; but since his time literary approaches have changed considerably. With the (...) thorough commentary of G. R. McLennan as foundation, it may be worth while to make a re-assessment of the Hymn to Zeus in less technical terms. In the reading which I offer here I hope to escape the tyranny of the individual word; but I hope, too, that what I have to say will not appear too loosely founded on the text. (shrink)

Recent discussions of the Axial Age in Greece (R. Bellah, 2011; K. Raaflaub, 2005) detailed some of the distinctive features of Greek religious life that allowed for the eventual development of a more secular outlook. In contrast to the religion of the ancient Israelites with its strong emphasis on the providential nature of human history, Greek religion evolved as a traditional set of ritual practices and cults that allowed humankind to maintain the goodwill of the gods. However, divine favor was (...) no substitute for human effort as the Greeks did not regard the gods as the architects of their fate. Human beings were ultimately seen as responsible for their own individual fates with bad outcomes attributed to misfortune or personal character defects. Positive outcomes in everyday life were ultimately the result of individual or collective effort. This attitude is reflected in the text of Hesiod, who dates from the outset of the Axial era. Hesiod stated that the gods have created a world that provides everything we need for prosperity, but that they were also spiteful in that they required mankind to work hard to take advantage of it. This religious outlook led to the development of a Weberian worldly asceticism among individual Greeks which allowed for the economic rationalization that transformed Greece into a more competitive society in which social mobility was possible and poverty scorned. The growth in the size of the rural middle class made the political life of the polis more participatory, thus laying the basis for the competitive political and intellectual climate of Axial Age Greece. (shrink)

La investigación se inscribe dentro de un movimiento que busca poner de relieve la pertinencia de textos poéticos para la comprensión de los diálogos de Platón. En este caso, se parte de la comunidad de la expresión “el jardín de Zeus” en la Pítica 9 de Píndaro y en el Discurso de Diotima en el Banquete. Primero, se presenta un esquema temático de los dos textos. Luego, se ofrece un recorrido en tres etapas: el paso del deseo a la (...) mediación, el estudio de la figura del mediador, y la apertura de la mediación al ámbito metapoético y lo que se sigue de ello. En la primera etapa se muestra cómo Eros dirige a la inmortalidad por medio de la generación, que se guía por la virtud en su condición más noble, al instituirse la ciudad, a la vez que, en el diálogo entre Apolo, enamorado de Cirene, y Quirón, se identifican los mismos pasos de una pulsión erótica que conduce a lo cívico. En la segunda etapa se destaca la tarea mediadora de Quirón ante Apolo, semejante a la relación de Diotima con Sócrates; esta mediación de Quirón produce un nuevo ámbito, que lleva su impronta, por lo que se entiende que la mediación de Diotima haya generado al filósofo erótico Sócrates, también ahora mediador. En la tercera etapa se muestra cómo franquea el sabio la diferencia entre los tiempos divino y humano mediante la creación metapoética, cuya consumación poética y filosofica es la constitución de la ciudad bella. (shrink)

Professor Fraenkel in his recent very illuminating article on ‘The Stars in the Prologue of the Rudens’ has explained how a Greek poet at the end of the fourth century could describe the stars as the messengers of Zeus and as his regular and, so to speak, professional informants on the sins and evil deeds of human beings. He also comments on the idea that the sins are recorded in Heaven and says—rightly as I hope to show—that this idea (...) ‘though more familiar to us from Semitic sources is a genuine Hellenic belief’. Following Friedrich Marx, he quotes a fragment from Euripides' Melanippe. (shrink)

The matter which I wish to discuss is a discrepancy between two accounts of the origin of the philosopher in the myth of Plato's Phaedrus. Before their incarnation the souls of all humans are imagined as having enjoyed the vision of reality, but not all in the same company or to the same degree. For, in the first place, the souls are distributed among the companies that severally follow eleven different gods, 247 a-b, a distribution which is regarded as important (...) for the type of character an embodied soul will subsequently have, 252d. In the second place, some souls are more successful than others in following their god, and accordingly they manage to see more of reality than do the others, and on this variation depends the sort of life each soul will subsequently have on earth, 248 d-e. And here arises the problem about the philosopher, corresponding to the two differences of company and degree in the soul's pre-natal vision of reality. (shrink)

In settings ranging from an Athenian home to a Persian palace, Xenophon shows women engaging in dialogue and asserting a distinctive perspective that comments on their own position in society. It also illuminates their experience of being the objects of the male gaze and restricted in their social interactions. In using women such as Theodote, an Athenian courtesan (Memorabilia) and Pantheia, a non-Greek queen (Cyropaedia) to represent ethical positions and virtue itself, Xenophon both draws on and contests the Greek literary (...) heritage, and the depiction of women in genres ranging from epic and tragedy to historiography. He represents a broader Socratic tradition from that evident in Plato’s work, in which women were more often used as interlocutors. These women appear as participants in the project of philosophical reflection on the pursuit of virtue, not just as the objects of male discussion. (shrink)

In pages 101–3 of his article Pope lists the numbers of occurrences of interrogative and enclitic in Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, and mentions occurrences in other authors. He shows that, although there is a dead heat between the numbers of instances of the two words in Aeschylus, nevertheless enclitic is very rarely indeed, and perhaps never, found in sentences which do not have a main verb. There are, however, occurrences of interrogative in sentences which lack a main verb and have (...) no predicate either. It must surely be rare to find statement sentences which do not contain at least subject and predicate at the best of times, let alone when happens to occur in the sentence. There are strong reasons, then, for rejecting the version of F and Triclinius, quite apart from the occurrence of in the sentence. One can defend by saying that either is understood from the preceding sentence, or else is vaguely understood: The favour of the gods comes to men perforce.’ But it is not very plausible. I am inclined to agree with Pope on this point, if not for quite the same reason. (shrink)