Liberalism has been criticized by libertarians, communitarians, and radicals alike for weaknesses in its philosophical underpinnings, especially in its conception of the self and account of political and civil obligation. In this ambitious and challenging study, Pinkard acknowledges many of these criticisms and defends a democratic liberalism more responsive to the ideals of fairness, sharing, and community. This defense may be called "Hegelian" in two respects: At a substantive level, Pinkard develops a non-voluntarist, non-contractarian theory of obligation based on what (...) he calls the ideals of personality and social union, especially that of mutual acknowledgment. These ideals constitute the "spirit of a culture" which in turn prescribes the possible forms or "categories" of social life. At a methodological level, he employs speculative or dialectical arguments in the defense and articulation of these ideals. In contrast to transcendental arguments, such arguments do not claim any uniqueness or a priori necessity for these ideals or their institutional embodiment. Rather, they show how the ideals are possible given other constraints and conditions. Moreover, while the arguments are "contextualist" in character, Pinkard claims they are not relativist since the ideals can be used to criticize existing institutions and practices. (shrink)

Una de las pasiones humanas más fuertes es la tendencia natural a buscar la verdad, inclinación que puede expresarse como relación intencional originaria de la persona con la realidad en toda su amplitud, sin poner límites extrínsecos al saber en sí. Siendo el conocimiento científico una concreción particular de esta aspiración nativa a buscar la verdad total mantiene, a quien lo practica movido por esa pasión, abierto, casi incitado, a continuar la búsqueda sin establecer a priori límites a su (...) natural desembocadura. Está, por tanto, en sintonía con el imput que ha dado vida al quehacer científico que el investigador se deje mover por el mensaje que le presentan los datos y resultados de su trabajo, sin cerrarse a ulteriores investigaciones, pensando que la ciencia es la única forma de saber. La actividad científica se muestra entonces capaz de conducir al hombre hacia los fundamentos de la realidad natural, y de acompañarle en su apertura a la trascendencia. Separada de la filosofía en el plano vital, declarada autosuficiente, la ciencia ha sido un factor de deshumanización. A su vez, la filosofía, distanciándose de los saberes científicos, rehusando entrar en diálogo con ellos, ha perdido vitalidad. El trabajo de Niels Stensen, científico danés del siglo XVII, pionero en algunos ámbitos del saber experimental, ofrece un ejemplo paradigmático de un hacer científico en relación vital con la filosofía y con la fe, sin menoscabo de las legítimas exigencias de autonomía metodológica. (shrink)

"Canada, like other industrial nations, is undergoing widespread social change at a faster pace than ever before. Many features of our basic institutions are being transformed and some of the values on which they were based are being weakened or swept away to be replaced by others. As this Royal Commission indicated in its first report, Challenges and Choices, the scope and implications of these changes call "into question basic assumptions, values, and institutions at every level of society, from the (...) shop floor to the cabinet room, to the international economic system," but while many values change, others endure."--. (shrink)

The European Union requires a stronger approach to social solidarity than has been offered in existing theory. Perhaps the exigency of this claim is nowhere more evident than in the recent failed referendums in France and the Netherlands. In both cases the narrow legal-economic sense of the EU won out over what was hoped to be an emerging European public sphere, indeed a shared sense of European identity rooted in history. This article asks what type of ‘history’ this identity requires. (...) Approaching this problem from a theoretical perspective, I will outline why and how such a ‘history’ must accord with the existing limits set by post-and/or transnationalism itself. Second, I will question how well various attempts at writing such a ‘history’ have already managed in terms of these limits. Lastly, drawing on the current work of sociologist Ulrich Beck, I will put forward a theoretical alternative to the existing models. (shrink)

This chapter contains section titled: Descartes's Hylomorphism The Interaction Between Mind and Body Notes References and Further Reading.

This book defends the conjugal view of marriage. Patrick Lee and Robert P. George argue that marriage is a distinctive type of community: the union of a man and a woman who have committed to sharing their lives on every level of their beings (bodily, emotionally, and spiritually) in the kind of union that would be fulfilled by conceiving and rearing children together. The comprehensive nature of this union, and its intrinsic orientation to procreation as its natural fulfillment, distinguishes marriage (...) from other types of community and provides the basis for the norms of marital exclusivity and permanence. Lee and George detail how the basic moral norms regarding sexual acts follow from the ethical requirement to respect the good of marriage and explain how the law should treat marriage, given its conjugal nature, examining both the same-sex-marriage issue and civil divorce. (shrink)

This volume contains the first publication in book form of an English translation of Thomas Aquinas's controversial disputed question De unione Verbi incarnati. This disputed question is a remarkable portal into the Angelic Doctor's theology of the hypostatic union, which is recognized as an area in which Aquinas forged some of his most original and penetrating articulations of the Christian faith. In the De unione Verbi incarnati Aquinas presents in five articles material that occupies more than eighteen questions in the (...) third part of the Summa theologiae. The attribution of an esse secundarium to Christ, in the fourth article of the De unione, has been the object of intense debate, for it seems to contradict the account of the Summa. In addition to Professor Nutt's English translation, the volume includes the critical Latin text published by Barbara Bartocci, Klaus Obenauer, and Walter Senner, as well as a substantial introduction. Professor Nutt's introduction carefully unfolds the historical background, technical concepts, sources, and speculative claims needed for understanding the breadth of the biblical and metaphysical contemplation represented in this work; it also includes a detailed exploration of the debate over the fourth article. (shrink)

For twenty years, the European Union has qualified as a supranational actor more and more present on the educational scene. Through the European strategies - Lisbon 2010 and Europe 2020 - but also the open method of coordination, an essential mutation has been occurring at the level of Member States. In this article, I intend to analyse in which manner the European Union manages to become a genuine educational actor. Thematic analysis of forty semi-structured interviews conducted with European and international (...) officials demonstrate that the European leaders prepared the European “suitcase” for the first “flight” of 2010 and the second one in 2020. Mainly, this briefcase regroups benchmarks, core competencies, mobility programs and the European qualifications framework. If the European Union is able to “boast” with a national or international political visibility through educational proposals however, an unknown factor remains in this geopolitical equation. (shrink)

‘The Union of Cause and Effect in Aristotle : Physics III 3’, Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, 32, pp. 205-232, May 2007.: I argue that Aristotle introduced a unique realist account of causation, which has not hitherto been appreciated in the history of philosophy: causal realism without a causal relation. In his account, cause and effect are unified by the ectopic actualization of the agent’s potentiality in the patient. His solution consists in the introduction of a property that belongs to (...) one subject but is realized in another subject on whose state this realization depends. I identify and analyze the multiple ontological dependencies between the causal state of the agent and that of the patient during their causal activity. (shrink)

We study statements about countable and well-ordered unions and their relation to each other and to countable and well-ordered forms of the axiom of choice. Using WO as an abbreviation for “well-orderable”, here are two typical results: The assertion that every WO family of countable sets has a WO union does not imply that every countable family of WO sets has a WO union; the axiom of choice for WO families of WO sets does not imply that the countable (...) union of countable sets is WO. (shrink)

Today’s low-wage workforce is mostly ignored by the national political parties and largely untouched by organized labor. Over the last twenty years, “community unions” have emerged to try to fill the void. They are modest-sized community-based organizations of low-wage workers that, through a combination of service, advocacy, and organizing, focus on issues of work and wages. Community unions have so far had greater success at raising wages and improving working conditions via public policy rather than direct labor market (...) intervention. This is because low-wage workers in America today have greater political than economic power. (shrink)

Codes of conduct are the main tools to privately regulate worker rights in global value chains. Scholars have shown that while codes may improve outcome standards (such as occupational health and safety), they have had limited impact on process rights (such as freedom of association and collective bargaining). Scholars have, though, only provided vague or general explanations for this empirical finding. We address this shortcoming by providing a holistic and detailed explanation, and argue that codes, in their current form, have (...) limited impact on trade union rights due to (i) buyers paying lip service to trade union rights, (ii) workers being treated as passive objects of regulation in codes of conduct, (iii) auditing being unable to detect and remediate violations of trade union rights, (iv) codes emphasizing parallel means of organizing, (v) suppliers having limited incentives for compliance, and (vi) codes being unable to open up space for union organizing when leveraged in grassroots struggles. Our arguments suggest that there is no quick fix for codes’ limited impact on trade union rights, and that codes, in their current form, have limited potential to improve trade union rights. We conclude by discussing ways in which codes of conduct, and private regulation of worker rights more generally, could be transformed to more effectively address trade union rights. (shrink)

Merleau-Ponty’s theory of the body is often depicted as emphasizing the distinction between the physical and the conscious dimension of the body. This distinction, however, runs the risk of recreating the tension between the physical and the conscious that is at the center of the mind-body problem. In view of this, I argue for a different interpretation of Merleau-Ponty, according to which his theory of the body is an attempt to establish “the union of the soul and the body” (Merleau-Ponty, (...) 2012 : 91, 99) by way of an analysis of the phenomenon of _being in the world_. This phenomenon does not just go beyond reflective but also beyond pre-reflective consciousness. It is an essential feature of living beings that has a teleological structure and that stands in the way of a reduction of living beings to physical objects. In the end, Merleau-Ponty argues for an antireductionist and metaphysically quite charged concept of life that is supposed to bridge the gap between the conscious and the organic dimension of human existence and that holds important insights for the contemporary debates on minimal consciousness, the life-mind continuity, autopoietic enactivism, and causation. (shrink)

In the current era, governments are playing smaller roles in regulating workers’ rights internationally, and transnational corporations (TNCs), non-governmental organisations (NGOs) involved in the struggle for workers’ rights, and labour/trade unions have started to fill this governance gap. This paper focuses on the least researched of the relationships among these three actors, the union–NGO relationship, by analysing the ways in which it affects definitions of TNC responsibility for workers’ rights at their suppliers’ factories. Based on a qualitative study of (...) the union–NGO relationship in the Swedish garment industry between 1996 and 2005, we propose that there are six main configurations of union–NGO relationships. By linking these configurations to their effects on TNC responsibility, we propose that co-ordination relationships between unions and NGOs, particularly high-commitment co-ordination relationships, are likely to result in a broadening of the definition of TNC responsibility, while conflictual relationships, both high and low commitment, result in a narrowing of the definition of TNC responsibility. The study indicates that co-operation is generally more beneficial for both unions and NGOs than is any form of conflictual relationship, in terms of broadening the definition of TNC responsibility. (shrink)

Parmi tous les points de la doctrine cartésienne il n’en est pas de plus controversé que l'union de l'Ame et du Corps, sur laquelle semble peser encore la condamnation formelle de Spinoza, dans la préface du cinquième livre de l'Éthique. Sans vouloir justifier ici cette notion par l’importance exceptionnelle de la morale que Descartes en a tirée, nous nous proposons d’étudier la manière dont la question s’est précisée au cours des Méditations Métaphysiques et des controverses connexes, et de montrer que (...) la notion n’implique nulle contradiction, ni en elle-même, ni à l’intérieur de la doctrine cartésienne. (shrink)

Historically, whistleblowing research has predominantly focused on psychological and organisational conditions of raising concerns about alleged wrongdoing. Today, however, policy makers increasingly start to look at institutional frameworks for protecting whistleblowers and responding to their concerns. This article focuses on the latter by exploring the roles that trade unions might adopt in order to improve responsiveness in the whistleblowing process. Research has consistently demonstrated that the two main reasons that deter people from reporting perceived wrongdoing are fear of retaliation (...) and a belief that the wrongdoing is unlikely to be rectified. In this article, we argue that trade unions have an important part to play in dealing with both these inhibiting factors but this requires them to be appropriately engaged in the whistleblowing process and willing to take a more proactive approach to negotiations. We use Vandekerckhove’s 3-tiered whistleblowing model and Kaine’s model of union voice level to structure our speculative analysis of the various ways in which trade unions can interact with whistleblowers and organisations they raise concerns about alleged wrongdoing in, as well as agents at a regulatory level. Our articulation of specific roles trade unions can play in the whistleblowing process uses examples from the UK as to how these trade union roles are currently linked to and embedded in employment law and whistleblowing regulation. (shrink)

This paper aims to take stock of the emerging international literature on the role of labor unions in corporate social responsibility (CSR). Where unions are discussed in the North American CSR literature at all, authors see them as foregrounding membership benefits over wider societal interests and hence contributing to systematic environmental degradation. In Europe, the managerialdiscretion of CSR clashes with the more regulated frameworks for employees and labor unions to influence corporate decision-making. Hence many European unions (...) express a considerable degree of skepticism of CSR. On the international scene, companies have become increasingly sensitive to how their labor management activities are perceived by the wider society, yet they may nevertheless continue with even highly controversial labor policies if they do not see a business case for changing these. In other words, CSR commitments by themselves would not seem to be sufficiently powerful to bring about systematic change in the management of labor. (shrink)

This article explores the fundamental Christological principles discussed by Byzantine iconophile writers of the eight and ninth centuries, John of Damascus (675-749), Theodore the Studite (759-826) and Patriarch Nikephoros I of Constantinople (758-828). Within the larger context of theological concerns, the iconophile focus their attention on two key points: (a) the notion of the hypostatic union of human and divine natures in Christ; and (b) the properties of circumscription and uncircumscribability. These Christological aspects play critical part in supporting the main (...) objective of iconophiles, the defense of Chalcedonian formulation, of which the theoretical justification of Christ’s pictorial representation is simply one part, albeit a central one. In support to their theological cause, the iconophiles also make recourse to the distinction between nature and hypostasis and devote an important part of their exposition for the holy images on the dogmatic significance of the Incarnation. (shrink)

This essay deals with conditions, challenges and perspectives concerning the legal system of the European Union after the Lisbon treaty has entered into force. It starts out by recalling constitutional principles such as primacy, direct effect and consistent interpretation of the European legal order on the one hand and the relationship of cooperation between the Court of Justice and national courts – notably pointing out the importance of the preliminary procedure (Article 267 TFEU) – on the other hand. In addition, (...) characteristics of the legal system of the European Union such as the integration of national legal systems are highlighted. It is accentuated that the legal community of the European Union depends on the acceptance by all 27 Member States. Furthermore, the normative quality of European law-making is discussed as well as the necessity for a sufficient democratic legitimation of European Law. As impressively illustrated by the financial crisis, the European Union is much better equipped with possibilities to effectively fulfil regulatory tasks than any Member State. The author shows developments with regard to European Union citizenship, non-discrimination, the Charter of Fundamental Rights - that is now equipped with binding character – and the vertical distribution of competences between the European Union and the Member States, including explanations relating to subsidiarity requirements and their judicial review. Moreover, challenges to the institutions of the European Union are discussed. (shrink)

Las relaciones entre la UE y la ASEAN constituyen uno de los ejemplos más significativos de los esfuerzos acometidos por la Unión Europea para consolidarse como un actor global desde la década de los noventa. Tales relaciones han discurrido, no sin altibajos, por diferentes canales no completamente independientes, pero tampoco relacionados de forma estructurada. También han contribuido en mayor o menor medida, además de a hacer posible el diálogo, la cooperación y los intercambios entre las dos regiones, a fomentar la (...) institucionalización del sistema internacional, el multilateralismo y las dinámicas de gobernanza global. En una coyuntura difícil como la actual, caracterizada por el auge de las grandes potencias cabe preguntarse por la situación y razón de ser de estas relaciones. Todo parece indicar que, pese a las dificultades, viven un momento de relanzamiento. Las relaciones entre la UE y la ASEAN constituyen uno de los ejemplos más significativos de los esfuerzos acometidos por la Unión Europea para consolidarse como un actor global desde la década de los noventa. Tales relaciones han discurrido, no sin altibajos, por diferentes canales no completamente independientes, pero tampoco relacionados de forma estructurada. También han contribuido en mayor o menor medida, además de a hacer posible el diálogo, la cooperación y los intercambios entre las dos regiones, a fomentar la institucionalización del sistema internacional, el multilateralismo y las dinámicas de gobernanza global. En una coyuntura difícil como la actual, caracterizada por el auge de las grandes potencias cabe preguntarse por la situación y razón de ser de estas relaciones. Todo parece indicar que, pese a las dificultades, viven un momento de relanzamiento. (shrink)

Existing research on developing countries emphasizes the decisive power of teacher unions in education politics. Yet that power varies, and a full understanding of the roots of union power and the sources of cross-national variation requires deeper analysis of organizational dynamics within unions. This analysis supports four arguments. First, teachers have a range of advantages in overcoming obstacles to collective action. Second, unions are not all alike; they vary widely, from interest groups to powerful political machines. Third, (...) the source of this variation lies in factors that shift power within unions from members to leaders in political-machine unions. Fourth, analyzing the dimensions of variation helps explain the different outcomes of recent reforms to teacher careers in Latin America, especially in highlighting the staunch opposition from political-machine unions. (shrink)

To what extent does the loosening of the ties between a social democratic party and its sister unions indicate a shift in the party's traditional objectives or bases of support? In this article it is argued that the estrangement between these parties and their unions is not always an indicator or a proof of the abandonment of workers and solidaristic goals by social democratic parties. The evolution of the party-union relationship is not only shaped by the economic and (...) social policies of the party but is also constrained by the organizational context of the trade unions. And when a close relationship exists in a context of competitive unionism and a growing economy, it is highly likely that the pressure and threats that unions direct at their social democratic parties are largely inspired by their need to maintain and enhance their organizational position vis-à-vis their union rivals rather than by a change in the goals and policies of their sister parties themselves. (shrink)

To any metric space it is possible to associate the cardinal invariant corresponding to the least number of rectifiable curves in the space whose union is not meagre. It is shown that this invariant can vary with the metric space considered, even when restricted to the class of convex subspaces of separable Banach spaces. As a corollary it is obtained that it is consistent with set theory that any set of reals of size ℵ 1 is meagre yet there are (...) ℵ 1 rectifiable curves in R 3 whose union is not meagre. The consistency of this statement when the phrase "rectifiable curves" is replaced by "straight lines" remains open. (shrink)

RESUMEN: Este artículo analiza la gestión de la denominada crisis de los refugiados por parte de la UE y sus Estados miembros. Partiendo del estudio de la política migratoria europea, se intenta demostrar que la respuesta ofrecida a ambos fenómenos, migración y asilo, se articula en función de las necesidades del mercado capitalista. Ello hace que, en época de crisis económica, se restrinja de manera drástica el número de personas admitidas. No sólo eso, para mantener la cohesión social dentro la (...) comunidad nacional se culpa a los extranjeros –inmigrantes y refugiados– de los efectos de la crisis. El resultado es el fin del derecho de asilo. Las consecuencias negativas de semejante política no sólo afectan a los refugiados e inmigrantes, sino también a los ciudadanos de los países de la Unión y, especialmente, al propio proyecto europeo. ABSTRACT: This article analyses the way in which the EU and its member states are dealing with the so-called refugee crisis. First of all, EU migration policy is assessed in order to show that capitalism and market needs establish the guidelines to be followed when tackling these two issues, migration and asylum. As a result, and in the context of an economic crisis, the number of people admitted into the EU has been dramatically reduced. Even more, foreigners –migrants and refugees– are blamed on the detrimental effects of crisis, and this is used as a strategy to maintain social cohesion within the national community. This policy has a negative impact not only on refugees and migrants, but also on EU citizens and the EU project itself. (shrink)

The question in this article is how citizenship is reinvented and recontextualized in a newly founded European Union after the launching of Union Citizenship. What kind of conceptions of citizenship are produced in this new and evolving organization? The research material consists of documents presented by EU organs from 1994 to 2007 concerning eight EU programs on citizenship and culture. I will analyze conceptual similarities and differences between these documents and previous conceptualizations in various contexts, including citizenship discussions in the (...) history of integration since the 1970s as well as theories of democracy and nation-states. Based on the analysis of participation, rights, and identity as central dimensions of citizenship, I will discuss the relationship of Union Citizenship to democracy and nationality. (shrink)

We contend in this paper that the trade union role in social policy is expanding due to the debate on women's issues. The Centrale de l'enseignement du Québec is seen as a forerunner of this trend, with its policy positions on questions previously seen as personal. The method of promotion of these interests is also new, with caucusing and networking. The significance of these changes goes beyond unionized women workers and affects all women.

Loin d’épouser le schéma d’un État fédéral (inachevé), la structure juridique fondamentale de l’Union européenne est celle d’une union cosmopolitique au sens où Kant en avait exposé l’épure dans « La Paix perpétuelle », selon trois « niveaux de relations du droit public » ( ius civitatis, ius gentium, ius cosmopoliticum ). Cependant, la dynamique de l’intégration européenne fait émerger des différenciations déroutantes : entre citoyenneté et nationalité, peuple et nation, autorité et souveraineté, souveraineté négative et souveraineté positive, droit international (...) et droit transnational, État et Constitution. En ce qui concerne l’Europe (cosmo) politique, cela ne va pas sans difficulté. L’Union doit en effet faire face à des difficultés internes de responsabilité, d’autorité, de représentativité politiques – bref de légitimité politique du projet européen lui-même, dont il est urgent de repenser les finalités. (shrink)

With the exception of the occasional Damn-you-to-Hell types such as Mr Owen Burke of Timaru (ODT, 7/7/04), most opponents of the Civil Unions Bill like to pretend that they are not doing it out of hostility to homosexuals (who they sometimes, rather patronizingly, claim to love as people) but out of zeal for the institution of marriage. If civil unions are allowed, marriage will be damaged, and that is why they are against the Bill. The problem with this (...) rationale is that it is obviously false. Civil unions won’t damage marriage. And this so very obvious that it calls into question either the good sense or the good faith of those (like the Catholic Bishops and the members of the United Party) who proclaim that it is a zeal for holy matrimony rather than a dislike of a deviant minority that dictates their political conduct. (shrink)

Union Citizenship as currently implemented in the European Union introduces a distinct concept of citizenship that necessitates an adequate normative approach. The objective of this paper is to assess EU Citizenship against the theoretical background of multilateral democracy. This approach is specifically suited for this task, as it does not rely on a nation-state paradigm or the presumption of a further transformation into a federation or union. We propose three criteria by which to assess multilevel citizenship: equal individual rights, equal (...) sovereignty of peoples and the balancing of individuals' and peoples' interests. We argue that the current practice of Union Citizenship does not fully meet the proposed standards, regarding equal rights within and equal access to, the political system. Based on our assessment, we propose reform options of access to national and supranational citizenship and argue for supranational participation rights and equal transnational rights to gradually re-establish full membership for individuals. (shrink)

The treaty of Lisbon makes European Union (EU) accession to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) an obligation of result. The issue has been intensely discussed for more than thirty years, arguing that such accession is necessary in view of the need to ensure the ECHR standard of fundamental rights protection in Europe. This question again gains prominence as the EU member states and the institutions seek to agree on the negotiation directives of EU accession to the ECHR. The (...) process brings up the difficulties involved in creating a mechanism which would both facilitate the autonomy of the EU legal order and enable individuals to bring claims against the EU to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). This involves the questions how it would be possible to ensure quick access to justice, and whether the ECtHR would continue to apply the doctrine of equivalent protection in relation to EU even after the latter becomes bound by the ECHR. The article argues that EU accession to the Convention is a prominent political step ensuring coherence of human rights protection mechanism in Europe. (shrink)

The purpose of the present contribution is to explore how the ECJ seeks to respect the principles underpinning national welfare systems, notably social solidarity, whilst ensuring that Member States comply with the substantive law of the European Union, in particular with the Treaty provisions on the fundamental freedoms and EU citizenship. It is submitted that in order to reconcile those two interests the ECJ has taken the view that nationals of the host Member State must show a certain degree of (...) financial solidarity with the nationals of other Member States who have established a ‘genuine or real link’ with the society of that State. With a view to establishing the existence of such a link, national authorities of the host Member State must engage in a case-by-case assessment of the personal circumstances of the EU citizen claiming social benefits. However, Förster is an important exception to the individual application of the ‘genuine or real link’ test. Although Förster does not overrule Bidar as a matter of principle, it exempts the host Member State from examining the personal situation of economically inactive students who apply for maintenance grants or student loans but have not yet completed a five-year period of residence. (shrink)

Tocqueville's chapter on the American Constitution reflects on the attempt to superimpose a large-scale union upon what was originally a loose collection of self-governing local democracies. The latter are communities which draw easily from the natural basis for public-spiritedness, which is local patriotism. The constitutional system, on the other hand, must nurture loyalty to a union whose core is a set of legal formalities specifying the allocation of powers. Tocqueville shows that the federal union avoids the combination of republicanism with (...) extreme centralization that was sought by the revolutionaries in France. Nevertheless, the constitutional system harbours a tension between the original, more natural sources of civic loyalty and the abstract principles necessary for a national structure based upon complex theories of federation. The insight into this tension between constitutional idea and local democratic practice is at the heart of Tocqueville's reservations about the future of the union. (shrink)

There is a long-standing and growing interest in democratizing labor unions. Union democracy is important for many reasons, including fostering greater member voice in the workplace and society, improving the internal effectiveness of unions, building members’ capacities to engage in democracy in other contexts, and helping foster union renewal. Despite these benefits, democracy in unions as practiced today is characterized by several problems. In this paper, I analyze several of the remedies to increase union democracy proposed to (...) date by scholars and practitioners, finding that despite their potential positive impacts, many of them may have inherent limitations. I then argue that sortition—the use of lotteries in selecting leaders—shows potential in helping address many of the problems facing union democracy and overcoming the limitations of recent remedies. An important democratic tool in Ancient Athens and other city-states, sortition has a long history in political theory and practice, yet application to unions is in its infancy. I conclude by developing and evaluating several ways in which sortition could be used as a tool in union governance structures, and by discussing the implications of my theorizing for ongoing work on union democracy and union renewal. (shrink)

Among the first Orthodox hierarchs who bestowed the greatest benefit on the defense of the Ukrainian Church before the oppression of its Polish authorities was Metropolitan of Kiev and Galicia, Joseph II Soltan 62. But his successes in this matter could not have a look for the further purpose, because the fate of the Orthodox Church under the Catholic power of the kings of Poland, which at the same time was the rulers of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, was predetermined (...) by the Catholic interests of Poland. When the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was an act of the Union of Lublin Poland incorporated into the Polish state, the implementation of the plan for the abolition of the Orthodox Church in this Catholic state was already a matter of the near-time. (shrink)

What place does organizing have in the Church’s synodal journey? In his address for the opening of the Synod on Synodality in 2021, Pope Francis described synodality as “unity, communion, the fraternity born of the realization that all of us are embraced by the one love of God.” Yet the process of collective bargaining is often fraught with division, contention, and adverse interactions based on competing interests. The author argues that, in addition to following Catholic social teaching, organizing serves a (...) crucial pragmatic and theological role in the synodal journey. First, the author explores contemporary theology on synodality and, second, applies it to the 2015 San Francisco archdiocesan teachers’ union dispute, in which the teachers entered the collective-bargaining process to try to repel the archbishop’s effort to strip them of their nondiscrimination rights and force employees to abide by strict sexual-morality codes. Finally, he reflects on organizing’s broader ecclesiological impact. (shrink)

In Uncivil Unions, Adrian Daub presents a truly interdisciplinary look at the story of a generation of philosophers, poets, and intellectuals who turned away from theology, reason, common sense, and empirical observation to provide a purely ...

Originally published in 1928, this book was written to provide members of the National Union of Teachers with a souvenir upon the occasion of their 1928 conference, which took place in Cambridge during the Easter vacation. It presents a concise guide to the city, with information on the history of the university and other areas. Illustrative figures are incorporated throughout. This book will be of value to anyone with an interest in the National Union of Teachers and the history of (...) Cambridge. (shrink)

Industrialization laid the foundation for contemporary civilization but also begot environmental problems, which have been building up and remained unsolved to this day. There is widespread belief that, if industrial manufacturing lies at the root of environment degradation through endless spewing of residual waste, trade among nations is to blame for scattering residual waste the world over. Yet paradoxically, it is the very international trade that might be the ground for major remedies thereto. The 20th century witnessed the shift from (...) free trade to fair trade; it is about time to shift from fair trade to clean trade. Nevertheless, such serious problems had barely been dealt with until the post-World War II period. An awareness-raising effort in this line was made by the European Union which, since the early 1970s, has been dealing with environmental and social issues, especially the ones deriving from international trade, in a decisive and responsible manner. Still, EU’s new policy in the field of environment protection has a downside in that it affects trade relations with partners from outside the Union, both developing and developed countries, thereby drawing fierce international reaction. The good part is that EU’s actions will most likely prompt other nations to follow suit. (shrink)

The author of this article considers the Brest Union and the emergence of the Uniate Church as a kind of product of the national-cultural and religious-church processes that were experienced by Europe, and with it Ukraine in the second half of the XVII - the first half of the XVII century. The author argues that the union of the Kievan Metropolitanate with the Roman Apostolic See in 1596 fully fits into the European-wide reformational context, when the formation of national local (...) churches was a priority task. (shrink)

Dmitry Astrakhan is a director who immensely "feels the time." His films of the 1990s are documentary films of their era, which are reflected in the works of modern directors. All this underlines and undoubtedly confirms the relevance of this study. Based on this, the author sets a goal to identify the features of Dmitry Astrakhan's creative unions. The set goal is solved by the following tasks: 1) to analyze the creative team of director Dmitry Astrakhan; 2) to identify (...) the members of the creative team with whom the director worked more than with others; 3) to substantiate the role of the creative tandem in the filmmaking work of Dmitry Astrakhan. The object of the study is a creative tandem, and the subject of the study is the main creative tandems in the directorial filmmaking of Dmitry Astrakhan. Cultural-historical and art-historical research methods were chosen as the key methods of the current research. The theoretical and methodological basis for writing this work was the works of Russian researchers Z. Lissa, A.O. Kozyreva, M.A. Novoselova, S.V. Lavrova, Li Jian and N.V. Medvedeva. It is impossible not to mention the author's previous publications on the research topic, which served as material for the work. Also, journalistic articles were used in the arsenal of sources to reflect the opinions of film critics and moviegoers on research issues. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the actualization of the role of the creative tandem in relation to the work of domestic film directors and the justification of a clear analytical approach to identifying participants in the main creative team of film director Dmitry Astrakhan. As a result of the study, it was revealed that Dmitry Astrakhan collaborated most of all with screenwriter Oleg Danilov during the entire creative period (1991-2020) – 24 joint films and composer Alexander Pantykin – 11 joint films. This served as the formation of common stylistic features and relationships that allow you to create films with a unique author's handwriting. (shrink)

This article aims to strengthen the thesis that Augustine made theological use of the Porphyrian concept of union without confusion (ἀσύγχυτος ἕνωσις). More specifically, the purpose is to show the important role played by this doctrine in the Augustinian theological and especially trinitarian thought. In order to demonstrate Augustine’s dependence on Porphyry, parallels between Augustinian texts and chapter 3 of the De natura hominis by Nemesius of Emesa (late 4th century CE) are pointed out. In this section, Nemesius refers the (...) theory of the union without confusion of soul and body contained in the Σύμμικτα ζητήματα, a lost Porphyrian work. After analysing the argument developed by Nemesius, who uses the Porphyrian notion to account for the union of the two natures in Christ, the Christological application of the union without confusion by Augustine (Ep. 137, 11 ; Serm. 186, 1) is discussed. Then, the various passages in which the Christian writer refers to this model of union to explain the relationship between the three divine persons (De Tr. IX and VII ; De gen. ad. litt. VIII 19 ; Serm. VII, 4 ; Ep. 170, 5 ; In Ioh. Evang. XCV 1 ; De civ. Dei XI 28) is examined. The theological interest of the concept of union without confusion is due to the fact that it is a powerful tool for thinking about a relationship of several elements which are unified in a single reality, while remaining distinct. (shrink)

The repeated celebrations of the jubilees of the Union of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church with the Roman Apostolic See encourage us to stop once more and deeper comprehend its genesis, that is, to find out the motives of its creators, historical and other reasons that led to the implementation of this crucial and influential act in the history of our people.. This rethinking is all the more necessary that in our history, in particular in the minds and publications of many (...) Ukrainians, the notion that the mentioned Unification of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church with Rome, proclaimed in Brest in 1596, is still a Polish-Jesuit intrigue carried out in the interests of the Polish, not the Ukrainian people. (shrink)

Collective bargaining is the main vehicle for labour worldwide to negotiate wages, benefits, retirement policies, training and other terms of working with management in both the public and private sectors. Labour economists have long been active in modelling the relations between collective bargaining agreements, labour markets and social welfare conditions. This book presents a theoretical model of unions which offers a unified treatment of the centralisation of bargaining, the credibility of labour contracts, the unionisation of labour markets and the (...) relative bargaining power of the union. Tapio Palokangas develops the microfoundations of bargaining and examines collective bargaining interacting with public policy, investment and growth, and international trade and specialisation. In conclusion Professor Palokangas challenges the commonly held view that collective bargaining has a negative impact on economics welfare, and argues that with the existence of market failure, collective bargaining can be welfare enhancing. (shrink)

La Unión de Consumidores de España (UCE) es una asociación sin ánimo de lucro fundada en el año 1984 gracias a la integración en una misma institución de las diferentes asociaciones de consumidores de ámbito regional y local. UCE, al igual que otras asociaciones de consumidores, nace en plena transición al amparo de lo establecido en los artículos 22 y 23 de la Constitución Española.

The protection of workers' rights is at the heart of the ongoing debate on business ethics. In balancing transnational corporations' (TNCs) influence in private regulatory systems intended to protect workers' rights in emerging economies, several authors have emphasized the importance of cooperative relationships between unions and NGOs. In practice, however, conflict has often entered into union-NGO relations, weakening the protection of workers' rights. We argue that cooperative union-NGO relationships are difficult to form in part because of the differences existing (...) between how unions and NGOs organize. More specifically, based on two qualitative studies, we demonstrate that the problems stem from differences in organizing related to (i) identity construction, (ii) governance systems, and (iii) resources. The article concludes with a discussion on the possibility of successful union-NGO cooperation and improved protection of workers' rights in emerging economies. (shrink)

The Brest Union is a church-historical event in 1596 and on this basis established an understanding between the Ukrainian-Belorussian Orthodox Church and the Roman Throne: the recognition of the Roman Pope as the head of the Church with all the conclusions of this confession in matters of faith, morals and church administration, with the preservation of administrative, ritual, disciplinary and, in general, ecclesiastical and cultural autonomy within the framework of the Kyiv Metropolitanate. The Turkish captivity of the Constantinople Patriarchate, the (...) complicated cases of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, the dislocation of its internal discipline, the creation of the Moscow Patriarchate, which encroached on the whole of the European East, the Protestant influences and polonization of the upper classes of Ukraine caused the Ukrainian Church in the 2nd half of the XVI century century of deep crisis. (shrink)

The Brest Union of 1596 is a topic that has for many centuries aroused wide discussions both in the Ukrainian environment and among those of other cultures interested in the history and modern life of Ukraine. This landmark event in Ukrainian history is assessed from different points of view: from the position of a scientist who tries to be objective and rise above the "malice of the day", a politician who cannot avoid the dictates of a congregation, a church activist (...) who upholds the purity of the faith of adherents of a particular denomination., The “average bread consumer,” who ultimately has to reap its benefits. It is no wonder, then, that the range of assessments is also extremely broad, from unconditional acceptance to the categorical denial of everything related to church union. (shrink)

We follow [8] in asking when a set of ordinals $X \subseteq \alpha$ is a countable union of sets in K, the core model. We show that, analogously to L, and X closed under the canonical Σ 1 Skolem function for K α can be so decomposed provided K is such that no ω-closed filters are put on its measure sequence, but not otherwise. This proviso holds if there is no inner model of a weak Erdős-type property.