Universalism can be defined as the belief in the universal application of certain knowledge, world-views and value-views. Universalism has often been confused with Occident-centrism, due to the fact that the latter was used to justify the former, which confused the content of a thought with the social condition that gave rise to the thought. For many years, clarifications of this confusion have been made in sociology of knowledge, relativism and skepticism. Yet, the particularistic conclusion thus reached has led to more (...) confusion, namely, that between the intrinsic criterion for truth and the practical application of thought. China, with its long tradition of Sino-centrism, has recently shown a movement towards particularism, characterized by a search for national and cultural superiority by “returning to the source”. In today’s academic circles, some particularist themes are taken for granted, and believed to be true, but cannot be proved with rational examination. The particularistic claims to the “self grounded”, “self-featured” and “self-located” tradition of Chinese culture jointed with the post-modernism, neo-leftist movement of anti-globalization in the West, are not only harmful in practice, but also impotent in theory. The propaganda against the hegemony of Western discourse should be analyzed with questioning which hegemony and whose discourse. (shrink)

Universalism can be defined as the belief in the universal application of certain knowledge, world-views and value-views. Universalism has often been confused with Occident-centrism, due to the fact that the latter was used to justify the former, which confused the content of a thought with the social condition that gave rise to the thought. For many years, clarifications of this confusion have been made in sociology of knowledge, relativism and skepticism. Yet, the particularistic conclusion thus reached has led to more (...) confusion, namely, that between the intrinsic criterion for truth and the practical application of thought. China, with its long tradition of Sino-centrism, has recently shown a movement towards particularism, characterized by a search for national and cultural superiority by "returning to the source". In today's academic circles, some particularist themes are taken for granted, and believed to be true, but cannot be proved with rational examination. The particularistic claims to the "self grounded", "self-featured" and "self-located" tradition of Chinese culture jointed with the post-modernism, neo-leftist movement of anti-globalization in the West, are not only harmful in practice, but also impotent in theory. The propaganda against the hegemony of Western discourse should be analyzed with questioning which hegemony and whose discourse. /// 普遍主义是—种相信某些知识、世界观和价值观具有普适性的立场。西方学 者曾经用西方中心论为普遍主义辩护，混淆了思想的内容和产生思想的社会条件这 两个不同的问题，因而遭到来自知识社会学、相对主义和怀疑主义等方面的正当批 评。但是，这些批评所导致的特殊主义，又混淆了真理的内在标准和思想的适用范 围这两个不同的问题。中国自古不乏华夏中心论的传统，现在则有以 "回归起源" 为特点的民族和文化优越感。当今学术界有一些已经习以为常、信以为真的提法， 反映出各种特殊主义观点和立场。与后现代主义和新左派的反全球化主义结合在一 起的关于中国传统文化的 "三本主义" (本位、本色、本土化)主张，不仅在实践上 是有害的，在理论上也是无效的。反"西方话语霸权"的口号，经不起"什么话语、 谁的霸权"的理性推敲。. (shrink)

Are there any coherent and defensible alternatives to liberal democracy? The author examines the possibility that a reformed democratic centralism-the principle around which China's current polity is officially organized-might be legitimate, according to both an inside and an outside perspective. The inside perspective builds on contemporary Chinese political theory; the outside perspective critically deploys Rawls's notion ofa "decent society " as its standard. Along the way, the author pays particular attention to the kinds and degree of pluralism a decent (...) society can countenance, and to the specific institutions in China that might enable the realization of a genuine and/or decent democratic centralism. The author argues that by considering both inside and outside perspectives, and the degrees to which they inter-penetrate and critically inform one another, we can engage in a global philosophy that neither pre-judges alternative political traditions nor falls prey to false conceptual barriers. (shrink)

This essay seeks to bring into focus the latent political theory of CLR James’s World Revolution, 1917-1936, and to show, on this basis, how World Revolution explains certain difficult aspects of The Black Jacobins. The core of James’s theory is the thesis that social classes are organically and internally identified, and that each has a preformed and unitary interest, which can be articulated as a set of political principles. A class is called to act by the voice that expresses the (...) class’s interest in the terms of its political principles. Once these points are made clear, several problems regarding the interpretation of The Black Jacobins disappear. First, James’s claim that the slaves of San Domingo were “closer to a modern proletariat than any group of workers in existence at the time” follows from his organic concept of the proletariat. Second, James’s revision of his account of the Haitian Revolution over the decades does not signify a move in the direction of “history from below” but a changed estimation of the conditions under which the mirroring operation he assigned to political leadership might take place. What seems to be James’s inordinate interest in the individual leader, finally, is more properly understood to be his antipathy to institutions and organizations. (shrink)

In Sino-Theology and the Philosophy of History Leopold Leeb presents the ideas of an influential Chinese intellectual, Liu Xiaofeng, whose approach to the question of a Christian theology for China is both controversial and inspiring.

In _Sino-Theology and the Philosophy of History_ Leopold Leeb presents the ideas of an influential Chinese intellectual, Liu Xiaofeng, whose approach to the question of a Christian theology for China is both controversial and inspiring.

Current studies of anti/‐natalism have been carried out mainly in the context of western philosophy. In this article, we offer a pro‐natalist view based on Confucian and Afro‐communitarian philosophy (Sino‐African ethics). Grounded in this Sino‐African perspective, we uphold that there is, at least, one reason to believe that not only is it morally permissible to procreate, but also that on some occasions, procreating is what morality prescribes. Specifically, we contend that, from a Sino‐African perspective, procreating sometimes is (...) the best way to fulfil duties of reciprocity and care towards our parents. (shrink)

The evolving Sino-Russian relationship is a cornerstone in contemporary international relations, with significant implications for global peace, stability, and strategic balance. This dynamic has progressively deepened, transitioning from a "strategic partnership of coordination" to a "comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination for a new era," marked by enhanced political trust and strategic alignment. Notably, the intensification of this partnership under the leadership paradigms of Xi Jinping has yielded significant advancements in military, technological, economic, and cultural domains. This paper explores the (...) ethical and philosophical challenges and opportunities presented by the Sino-Russian relationship from the perspective of ecopolitical philosophy, which considers the environmental implications of these international dynamics. As global leaders in energy consumption and environmental impact, China and Russia's ecological policies carry profound ethical considerations, which intersect with religious and moral philosophy concerning stewardship of the earth and intergenerational justice. The evolving Sino-Russian relationship is a cornerstone in contemporary international relations, with significant implications for global peace, stability, and strategic balance. This dynamic has progressively deepened, transitioning from a "strategic partnership of coordination" to a "comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination for a new era," marked by enhanced political trust and strategic alignment. Notably, the intensification of this partnership under the leadership paradigms of Xi Jinping has yielded significant advancements in military, technological, economic, and cultural domains. This paper explores the ethical and philosophical challenges and opportunities presented by the Sino-Russian relationship from the perspective of ecopolitical philosophy, which considers the environmental implications of these international dynamics. As global leaders in energy consumption and environmental impact, China and Russia's ecological policies carry profound ethical considerations, which intersect with religious and moral philosophy concerning stewardship of the earth and intergenerational justice. In the context of this relationship, ethical questions arise regarding the balance of power and environmental responsibility, the moral obligations to address climate change, and the ethical management of natural resources. These considerations are crucial as both nations seek to uphold their commitments to sustainable development while navigating the complexities of their strategic alliance. The analysis is framed by Xi Jinping's diplomatic philosophy, which advocates for a new model of major power relationships based on mutual respect and ecological sustainability. This approach underscores the need for a deeper understanding of the philosophical underpinnings that guide international relations in the era of significant environmental challenges. By examining the Sino-Russian relationship through the lens of global environmental ethics, this study contributes to a broader discourse on how major powers can negotiate their strategic interests with their moral responsibilities to the global community. (shrink)

China and Russia are the main driving forces of Eurasian integration. Russia is pursuing its “pivot to Asia,” while China is branching out to the West through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The interests of Russia and China meet in Eurasia and their friendly relations have led to several cooperation projects there. The most important are linkages between the Eurasian Economic Union and Silk Road Economic Belt Initiative and the plan to create a broader Eurasian Economic Partnership or Greater (...) Eurasia. This article studies the reasons which led the two countries to intensify their cooperation in Eurasia and the current state and prospects of that cooperation. (shrink)

中華와 夷狄의 차이를 분명히 하는 왕부지의 華夷論은 분명 그의 기철학에 그 근원적 뿌리를 가지고 있다. 왕부지는 인간이 불선한 이유를 氣가 아니라 質에서 찾고 있다. 質은 형질이라는 측면에서 물질적으로 외화된 상태로서 기와 달리 이미 고정화되고 규정화된 상태로 기에 비하여 구체화된 사물의 질료적 성격을 가리킨다. 또한 이 質은 氣를 담는 그릇으로서 ‘器’의 의미를 가진다. 왕부지의 관점에 따르면, 각각 개별 사물의 기질지성이 곧 형이상의 도이며, 기질지성 이외의 보편적 본연지성은 단지 추상적인 이념일 뿐, 현실세계에 존재하지 않는다는 것이 된다. 이와 같은 그의 器・氣의 분리적 시각은 (...) 중화와 오랑캐, 즉 夷와 夏를 본질적으로 구분하고 차별할 수 있는 결정적인 근거로 이해될 수 있다. 곧 中華人과 오랑캐가 각각 기질이 다르다면, 그 기질에 따른 형이상의 도 또한 다를 수 없게 된다. 뿐만 아니라 이 둘을 서로 아우를 수 있는, 기질지성 이전의 세계 보편의 본연지성이 존재하지 않는다면 중화와 오랑캐는 상호 통일될 수 없는 평행적 관계 일 수밖에 없기 때문이다. 이것은 왕부지의 리기론이 주희와 달리 실재론적 관점에서 기일원론적 성격을 보이고 있음에도 차별원리의 절대화라는 보수적 시각을 보이는 이유가 된다. (shrink)

본 논문은 한국사회의 본격적인 근대화를 추진한 1960~70년대 근대성과 유교적 가치가 어떤 접합과 괴리를 나타내는지, 주로 박정희 정권이 구상한 구체적인 근대 또는 근대인의 모습이 어떠한가를 묻는 것이다. 이는 국가주도의 강력한 근대화의 추구, 특히 근대적 국민 만들기에 통제적 합리성의 機制로 유교가 이용되거나 크게 기여했다는 전제에 입각한다. 이런 의미에서 본 논문은 그러한 국가 중심적 효율화와 획일화가 야기한 근대적 병폐에 대한 극복을 요구한다. 당초 유교는 양자, 그것이 지역이든, 사물이든, 사람 사이에 관한 것이든 서로 간 절충 작업의 인문정신을 발휘하였다. 유교는 ‘중심’을 추구하지만, 그것은 나 바깥의 (...) 타자를 맞이하기 위한 ‘마음 속(진실)’이나, 절충과정을 거쳐 도달하는 최적(optimum)의 상태를 지향한다. 특히 유교의 가르침, 예컨대, 충, 효, 삼강, 오륜 등은 통제적 근대 합리성의 동원 기제로 작동하였고, 그런 나머지 근대성의 추구는 지나친 국가통제의 중심주의의 강화를 초래하였다. 그러는 사이 성리학적 사유체계와 깊은 관련을 맺고 국민 각자가 지닌 자기 욕망 성취의 공간을 좁혀 놓기도 하였다. 따라서 한국의 근대화는 여러 방면에 걸친 통합적 성취의 공간이 아니라, 성찰을 요구하는 ‘결여의 공간’이다. 중앙 편중, 이분법적 사물 접근 방식 등, 이는 통제적 합리성 추구의 부작용이기도 하거니와, 유교의 본질을 왜곡한 바람직스럽지 않은 국가주도의 중심주의의 결과일 수 있다. 결국 한국의 지도자 중심의 획일적 근대화는 집중, 중심 편중을 야기하고 주변화, 타자화를 낳았다. 이 같은 결여 현상에 한몫을 한 유교는 어떤 의미로 다가갔는지 보다 깊은 성찰이 요청되며, ‘실학’으로서 유교는 결코 바람직스럽지 않은 현대 한국의 국가 중심화 해소에 어떤 역할을 할 수 있을지, 질문을 던지며 이는 후일의 연구 과제로 남겨 놓는다. (shrink)

In the Western countries it has recently become fashionable to assert that a genuine socialist system is a pluralist society, not the "monolithic" systems established in the socialist countries that represent socialist societies of a supposedly less democratic order. This idea is also being employed by certain Left parties in the West, which also identify the concepts of so-called "true socialism" and "true democracy" with pluralism.

This article discusses issues of scholarship and methodology in Sino-Tibetan linguistics in the context of reviewing the cutting-edge articles included in the recent Festschrift for W. South Coblin.

As we all know, the Silk Road, as a famous ancient transportation route, was a trade line cross-Eurasian continent in history. Its name was from the delivery of silk. However, no Chinese ancient documents mentioned the name of “Silk Road”. German F. V. Richthofen (1933-1905) firstly used the term “Silk Road” in his book China, published in 1877. Afterwards, the name of “Silk Road” has been accepted universally and used by the world widely. The Silk Road was an ancient business (...) channel, acrossing the middle of China and countries in Central Asia, gradually forming after Qian Zhang visited Western Regions twice, two thousand and one hundred years ago. The north-west land Silk Road started from Chinese ancient Capital Chang’an (now Xi’an), acrossing Central Asia, and reaching ancient Rome in Europe. It was a bridge for communication of politics, economy, and culture between ancient China and the Western. Before 11 Century, the Sino-Western silk trade mainly depended on the land transportation. During Han Dynasty, it was a competition between the Huns and the Hans for occupy the Silk road. The silk as a kind of material culture was a sort of intermediary for making people to know how to get along together.This article attempts to describe the Sino-Western silk trade conditions before and after the two missions of Qian Zhang to Western Regions (Xiyu), including archaeological evidences, kinds of silk and trade scale, transportation routes, trade participants, and so on. (shrink)

El propósito del presente artículo consiste en indagar las diferencias de fuerza que sostienen el aparato conceptual de la obra de Suely Rolnik, para pensar una poética de la resistencia pasiva. Para ello, se abordará primero un análisis de la tradición biopolítica para distinguir una tendencia inmanentista (Foucault, Agamben) de otra que vincula la vida con la alteridad (Butler, Coccia). A continuación, se leerá esta segunda tendencia desde la teoría de la performatividad después de la deconstrucción, para proponer una genealogía (...) de la fuerza vulnerable que se denominará speech passion theory. En fin, el artículo enmarca en esta genealogía la fuerza afirmativa de Rolnik, y piensa desde ella la tarea de la política y el arte como una práctica estética más allá de la institución del arte. (shrink)

The article focuses on Sino-African relations, with specific reference to South Africa. An outline is provided of recent developments as a roadmap for the unfolding of this relationship. The question of whether China’s African interest can be seen as tacit colonisation is discussed. Even if these fears are allayed, the question remains whether the Chinese presence on the continent will make a significant difference to African development. To answer this question, the focus shifts to economic models and the Chinese (...) recipe for economic progress. Confucianism was opposed during the cultural revolution of Mao Zedong, but it now forms the basis for Chinese foreign policy and internal affairs. This is briefly investigated. Some Confucian ideas are related to basic African concepts in an effort to find a common ground in Afro-Chinese relations. The impact of secular Confucianism on African spirituality is discussed. (shrink)

Previous studies have shown the operational potential in political discourse analysis from the proximization perspective. This study adopts a cross-disciplinary approach to analyze political communication across transcultural contexts, especially in the cyber discourse space. Based on the spatial–temporal–axiological model, we compare the journalistic discourses on two social media platforms by China Xinhua News Agency, an official speaker for China worldwide. The corpuses are constructed with microblogs on Weibo in Chinese and Twitter in English containing key words of Sino–US trade (...) war. It is found that the speaker has shaped different realities of discourse in accordance with the cultural contexts and proximized from corresponding dimensions to increase political legitimacy. (shrink)

Journal Name: Semiotica Issue: Ahead of print.

The European Legacy, Volume 17, Issue 4, Page 548-549, July 2012.