Al-Mu'jam Al-muḫtaṣ of Murtadā Al-Zabīdī (d. 1205/1791) in which a scholar recorded his teachers, the books that he obtained the right to narrate during his education life and the chain of transmission from his teachers to the author, is one of the important representatives of the mu'jam genres in 12th/18th century. It can be said that the mu'jam that Zabīdī wrote to record the important people in his life, goes beyond the standard mu'jam with its compilation style, sources, diversity of (...) biographers and anecdotes about the writing activity of the period. Based on Zabīdī's teachers, students and contemporaries, their origins, specialization and profession, the dates of their deaths, the dates of his encounters with them, the extent of his friendships, the dated rihle route, the lecture places and the books he taught, a panorama about the mu'jam will be drawn. The mu’jam, which includes 635 biographies, has a wide range of written and oral sources, especially ijazat and samā sources. Zabīdī's correspondence with scholars from different regions, taqrīz/appreciation written for his famous books and poems belonging to scholars of the period are among these sources. Numerous taqrīzs on his Tāj al-ʿArūs and Sharḥ Al-Iḥyā's point to their fame at that time, while Mu’jam, which has the appearance of an independent poetry anthology due to the poems that reach tens of pages, reveals his unknown poetic side. On the other hand, some couplets recorded in Persian and Turkish show his knowledge of these languages. Zabīdī is a versatile personality who lived in different geographies such as India, Yemen and Egypt and met many scholars there. Rihles in different regions of Yemen such as Zabid, Moravıa and Mocha, as well as inside Egypt, including Damietta, Raşıt, Fuwwah and Asyut, show that Zabīdī traveled frequently for the sake of knowledge. Egypt, where he went in 1167 (1753) with the advice of his teacher al-Aydarūs and spent thirty-eight years of his life, has an important place in his scientific adventure. Recording sufis, merchants and janitors as well as famous people from different fields such as poets, jurists and muhaddis in biographies reflects Zabīdī's extensive contact reaching various segments of society through the aforementioned rihles. While Zabīdī was obtaining knowledge through both these journeys and ijazat, he also gave ratification/ijazat to the students who came to him. While he prefers ijazat of al-musalsal bil awwaliyyah and Al-Awail Ṣaḥīḥ/al-Kutub al-Sittah for those who come to him for short periods of time on the occasion of pilgrimage, but on the other hand he gaves ijazat of Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhari, Shamail Tirmidhi, Sharḥ Al-Iḥyā and Al-Amali for his long-term students. Lessons, both open to the public in mosques and with more private groups at home, were held in informal rather than systematic/formal style like in the madrasah. The books that Zabīdī received the right to transmit through his rihles are listed below under the "textbooks" heading. When a book is mentioned in whichever biography, it can be implicitly considered the person has the elevated chain of transmission of the book. Similarly, it can be revealed in which region and by whom tranmits the short chain of a book. This reveals the unknown aspects of regional and temporal writing style. On the other hand, it is possible to find other traces of the background of writing and representation/taqrir through the mu'jam. For instance, a book was sometimes typed as a result of the students' compilation of lecture notes of their masters, sometimes when a person obtained a book he needed and he abbreviated important parts and copied a special copy for himself or a student could only get permission for giving lectures after he had written a book. The mu’jam includes besides of Zabīdī's books, the books written by the biographers in the form of "he has many books" or by mentioning the name directly. Even the recording of details such as the reason for writing, date and content information reveals the unknown aspects of the book writing style of the period. Ultimately, the importance of mu’jam, which was written as the result of a life spent with learning, although it is not well known in terms of genre; is to mention the biographical information collected from many different secondary sources, compiled as a result of long effort, such as history and tabaqat-tarajim about the scientific life of the author together with their evidences. Therefore, these kinds of books, that are mostly written by the author himself or his close student, in which the teacher constitutes its main element, is a primary source in the determination of the biographical information of the author, as well as the book and isnad, deserve to be examined separately because of their potential to shed light on the unknown aspects of the hadith history and literature of the later period. (shrink)

Killing in war as a matter of course may be inferred from the fact that, as stated by Thomas Hobbes, “all laws are silent in the time of war”. Although this traditional law-suspending power of war has been restricted to a certain degree by modern humanitarian international law, it is still commonly assumed that killing in war, unless and as long as not explicitly forbidden, is per se permitted and thus does not require any further legitimisation. This is in fundamental (...) contrast to a “normal” homicide, which requires special justification to be considered lawful. This commonly unquestioned license to kill, by the mere reason of being at war, is all the more astonishing given that no legal norm can be found that positively and explicitly declares killing in war to be lawful. However, on what ground can such an unwritten privilege be based? How can it be morally justified and sufficiently legitimised? This question shall be pursued in four steps: by, first, asking whether and why killing in war, as long as it does not cross the threshold of a war crime, shall stay outside the rubric of criminal law. After not having found a satisfactory answer, it must, second, be asked whether and to what degree constitutional law could provide empowerments and restrictions of killing in war. As neither will give full answers, third, final refuge may be taken in international law, with particular attention to state sovereignty. Since even on this level, however, killing in war has not yet found convincing legitimisation, fourth, further challenges are to be met. (shrink)

The first clinical symptoms focused on the presentation of coronavirus disease 2019 have been respiratory failure, however, accumulating evidence also points to its presentation with neuropsychiatric symptoms, the exact mechanisms of which are not well known. By using a computational methodology, we aimed to explain the molecular paths of COVID-19 associated neuropsychiatric symptoms, based on the mimicry of the human protein interactions with SARS-CoV-2 proteins.Methods: Available 11 of the 29 SARS-CoV-2 proteins’ structures have been extracted from Protein Data Bank. HMI-PRED, (...) a recently developed web server for structural PREDiction of protein-protein interactions between host and any microbial species, was used to find the “interface mimicry” through which the microbial proteins hijack host binding surfaces. Classification of the found interactions was conducted using the PANTHER Classification System.Results: Predicted Human-SARS-CoV-2 protein interactions have been extensively compared with the literature. Based on the analysis of the molecular functions, cellular localizations and pathways related to human proteins, SARS-CoV-2 proteins are found to possibly interact with human proteins linked to synaptic vesicle trafficking, endocytosis, axonal transport, neurotransmission, growth factors, mitochondrial and blood-brain barrier elements, in addition to its peripheral interactions with proteins linked to thrombosis, inflammation and metabolic control.Conclusion: SARS-CoV-2-human protein interactions may lead to the development of delirium, psychosis, seizures, encephalitis, stroke, sensory impairments, peripheral nerve diseases, and autoimmune disorders. Our findings are also supported by the previous in vivo and in vitro studies from other viruses. Further in vivo and in vitro studies using the proteins that are pointed here, could pave new targets both for avoiding and reversing neuropsychiatric presentations. (shrink)

One of the ṣaḥābīs of Prophet Muḥammad is ʿUrwa b. Masʿūd from the Ṭāʾif tribe of Thaqīf. He belongs to the Ahlâf part of the Thaqīf tribe and he is the ruler of this part. ʿUrwa’s ancestry is known without any controversy until Kasî (Thaqīf). According to a narrative his epithet was Abū Yaʿfur and another of his epithet was Abū Masʿūd. Father of ʿUrwa an important person too. He is one of the leaders of his tribe and he commanded (...) his part (Aḥlāf) in wars of Fijār. Mother of ʿUrwa is Subay’a bt. ʿAbd Shams from Banū Umayya. In this way ʿUrwa has kinship both with Banū Umayya and Prophet Muḥammad. So ʿUrwa has a very important position because of his lineage, his mother and father. Thefore, his connections with Mecca and Quraysh strengthens his position. In our sources there is no information about his dates of birth and death. It is likely to be over middle age when he became a muslim, considering that he was the leader of his tribe and his son become a muslim after he died. There is too little information about weddings of ʿUrwa. According to narratives, he had ten wives before becoming Muslim. After becoming a Muslim Prophet Muḥammad warned from him to prefer four out of ten wives. One of his four wives is the daughter of Abū Sufyān. Howev-er, there is no information about the names of his wives. Names of his sons: ʿĀṣim, Abū Murra, Abū Mulayḥ, Dāwūd, Hammām and Hishām and names of his daughters: Umm Saʿīd (married with Ḥaẓrat ʿAlī) and Ḥalīma. We could see he served as embassy before the treaty of Hudaybiyah. His embassy duty shows us the superiority of his position. Also, this embassy duty was very effective at peace negotiations. He mentioned kinship relations which connects about Mecca. He said that it could be beneficial to talk to Prophet Muḥammad himself. The Meccans mentioned about their trust in ʿUrwa. During the time of his embassy, he expressed that both sides should be away from war. In this context, he told the Meccans: The people around Prophet Muḥammad are very loyal to him and he told to Prophet Muḥammad: People around him could disintegrate easily. This mission shows us he is intelligent, respectable and had high persuasion skills. ʿUrwa, observed loyalty of ṣaḥābīs to Prophet Muḥammad. He confessed this loyalty can not be for any ruler. This observa-tion probably affected ʿUrwa’s conversion to Islam. Because of the conquest of Meccah and the events that followed, the people of Ṭāʾif were very worried. Because of this reason people of Ṭāʾif took part in the side of Hawāzin’s and they bat-tled with Muslims. In this time they sent ʿUrwa b. Masʿūd and Ghaylān b. Salama to the city of D̲j̲aras̲h̲ of Yemen, to learn about some war machines and techniques. Therefore they did not join wars of Hunayn and Ṭāʾif. Prophet Muḥammad ended the siege of Ṭāʾif and went to Medina. Meanwhile, ʿUrwa and his friend returned from Yemen. According to narratives when the Prophet Muḥammad returned Medina or he was way in Medina ʿUrwa visited him and became Muslim. Some people tell about the date of ʿUrwa’s being Muslim at before or after Abū Bakr’s emirate of Hadj. However, when the narrations are examined, it can be said he became Muslim after four or five months from Prophet’s siege of Ṭāʾif and before three or four months from Tabūk expedition of Rabīʿ al-awwal or “Rabīʿ al-ākhir” (July or August) in the year 9/630. As for the conversion of ʿUrwa, basic sources report that “Allah, inspired Islam to the heart of ʿUrwa and he changed his situation. He went to the Messenger of Allah and he became Muslim.” They do not give a specific reason. But after this period the narratives tell the reason for ʿUrwa’s becoming a Muslim as due to an experience he had while travelling to Najrān for trade. In this travel, two mysterious young girls and the priest in Najrān said the last prophet came and ʿUrwa must be subject to him and ʿUrwa became Muslim after he returned. But this narrative is prob-lematic with regard to evidence and text. After being Muslim, ʿUrwa wanted permission from the Prophet to invite his tribe to accept Islam. The prophet did not want to accept this at first. Because the people of Ṭāʾif had an arro-gant stance against Islam, and he said that the people of Thaqīf could kill ʿUrwa. Eventually ʿUrwa went to his hometown with permission of Prophet and invited people to Islam and they did not accept this invitation and cursed ʿUrwa. The next morning ʿUrwa read adhan of fajr and people of Ṭāʾif killed him. ʿUrwa b. Masʿūd was likened to Prophet Jesus by the Prophet Muḥammad. It is generally accept-ed that ʿUrwa b. Masʿūd el-Thaqafī is “one of the biggest from two cities” expressed in sūra Zukhruf. Only two weak narrations were reported of Urwa who could live as a Muslim for a few days and was matyred by his tribe. (shrink)

This study problematizes English language teaching departments in Turkey that have ignored the importance of radical pedagogy, the history of British colonialism and neoliberalism in the curriculum because Orientalist, Occidentalist and neoliberal discourses have led to the exclusion of critical discourses in ELT in Turkey. Therefore, the possible reasons for the absence of some curricular topics present a complicated structural problem. Exclusionary practices of ELT departments can be ascribed to Turkey’s political regimes that have reinforced both nation-state ideology and Anglo-American (...) neoliberal policies. The English language has also been reified as a gateway to westernization and globalization under the feeling of urgency and fear of falling behind. Therefore, the spread of English has been allowed in almost all spheres of life even if neglecting local, national and international languages has violated linguistic human rights. This paper proposes that the dominance of English can be deconstructed by including radical pedagogy and the history of British colonialism and neoliberalism into the curriculum and by prioritizing linguistic human rights to allow more space for the survival of other languages. (shrink)

The allocation of any scarce health care resource, especially a lifesaving resource, can create profound ethical and legal challenges. Liver transplant allocation currently is based upon urgency, a sickest-first approach, and does not utilize capacity to benefit. While urgency can be described reasonably well with the MELD system, benefit encompasses multiple dimensions of patients’ well-being. Currently, the balance between both principles is ill-defined. This survey with 502 participants examines how urgency and benefit are weighted by different stakeholders. Liver transplant patients (...) favored the sickest-first allocation, although all other groups tended to favor benefit. Criteria of a successful transplantation were a minimum survival of at least 1 year and recovery of functional status to being ambulatory and capable of all self-care. An individual delisting decision was accepted when the 1-year survival probability would fall below 50%. Benefit was found to be a critical variable that may also trigger the willingness to donate organs. The strong interest of stakeholder for successful liver transplants is inadequately translated into current allocation rules. (shrink)

Kısa vadeli likidite sağlama ihtiyacının yanı sıra likidite fazlalığını kısa vadeli değerlendirme ihtiyacı finans kurumlarının ortak problemleridir. Konvansiyonel finans kurumları bu ihtiyaçlarının büyük kısmını repo-ters repo işlemleri ile karşılarken katılım finans kurumları ise faiz şüphesi nedeniyle repo-ters repo katılım bankacılığı ilkelerine uymadığı için bu ihtiyaçları karşılama konusunda problemler yaşamaktadır. Bu durum konvansiyonel finans kurumları ile rekabet halindeki katılım finans kurumları aleyhine işlemektedir. Bu makale repo işlemini ana hatlarıyla açıklayıp fıkhi boyutunu izah ettikten sonra Malezya’daki geri alım vaadi ile satım, Türkiye’deki (...) geri alım vaadi ile satım, organize teverruk, menkul kıymet rehinli karz sözleşmesi ve puantaj sistemi ile tekaruz anlaşması gibi halihazırda İslam dünyasında katılım finans kurumlarının repoya alternatif olarak uyguladıkları işlemleri ele almaktadır. Öte yandan bu çalışma kira sertifikalarının geri alım vaadi ile satımı, yatırım fonları, kira sertifikalarının alım satımı ile teverruk işlemi için katılım finans ilkelerine uygun bir pazar kurulması ve devlet destekli karz-ı hasen fonlarının kurulması gibi katılım finans kurumları adına repoya alternatif olarak düşünülen öneriler üzerinde yoğunlaşmaktadır. (shrink)

This study investigated challenges, counselling needs and coping strategies of students with visual impairment in regular secondary schools in Nigeria. The descriptive survey of cross-sectional design was employed for the study. Five hundred and twenty-seven students with visual impairment in regular secondary schools were included in the survey by using purposive and captive sampling techniques. The findings of the study revealed that the challenges of students with visual impairment in regular secondary schools include inability to access modern technologies,, inappropriate teaching (...) methods, non availability of special curriculum. It is therefore recommended that teachers and school authorities should ensure that students with visual impairment are taught to develop effective study habits and techniques of self-activity. (shrink)

İslamî ilimlerin eğitim-öğretiminde şiir kullanımının Türk İslam Edebiyatında bir geleneği temsil ettiği söylenebilir. Nitekim ta‘lîm için siyer, hadis, fıkıh, kelam, tasavvuf vb. İslamî ilimlerin konularına dair mensûr olduğu gibi manzûm eserler de telif edilmiştir. Bu durum ise Türk Edebiyatında el-esmâü’l-hüsnâ, siyer, kırk hadîs, akâidnâme gibi bazı manzûm türlerin doğmasını sağlamıştır. Bilinebilen eser sayısı itibariyle Türkçe manzûm tecvîdler de bu türler arasına girmeye aday niteliktedir. Bu bağlamda çalışma; Türkçe manzûm tecvîd müelliflerinden biri olan Şeyhî’nin hayatını ve “Nazmu’l-Ehem fî İlmi’t-Tecvîdi’l-Elzem” adlı (...) eserini konu edinmektedir. Eser; Türkçe manzûm tecvîd yazma geleneğini devam ettirmesi ve türünün başarılı örneklerinden biri olması hasebiyle ayrı bir öneme sahiptir. Çalışma, Nazmu’l-Ehemm ’in tenkitli metin neşrinin yanı sıra eğitim-öğretim faaliyetlerinde yararlanıldığı düşünülen Türkçe manzûm tecvîdlerin işlevini yazar-eser özelinde gün yüzüne çıkarmayı hedeflemektedir. (shrink)

Bu makale, Adudüddin Îcî’nin Kitābü’l-Mevāḳıf adlı eserinde Seyfeddin Âmidî’ye hatalı bir şekilde isnat ettiği, kadîm eserin muhtâr fâile dayanabileceği görüşünü ele almaktadır. Îcî, kelâmcılar ile Meşşâî filozoflar arasında, mūcib bi’z-zāt tanrı düşüncesinin zorunlu olarak âlemin kıdemini, fâil-i muhtâr tanrı düşüncesinin ise zorunlu olarak âlemin hudûsunu gerektirdiği konusunda fikir birliği olduğunu iddia eder. Ancak Îcî, Âmidî’nin bu konuda aykırı bir görüş savunduğunu ve kadîm âlemin muhtâr bir Tanrı’ya dayanabileceğini ileri sürdüğünü belirtir. Makale, Îcî’nin bu iddiasının yanlış olduğunu, Âmidî’nin böyle bir görüş (...) savunmadığını ve fakat bu hatalı isnadın sonraki şerhlerde aktarıldığını göstermektedir. Îcî, Âmidî’nin kasıtla yaratmada eserin müessiri öncelemesinin zamansal değil, îcâb yoluyla yaratmadaki gibi zâtî öncelik tarzında olabileceğini düşündüğünü iddia etmektedir. Yaratıcı ile eser arasında zâtî öncelik-sonralık ilişkisi ise, kadîm bir eserin kasıtla yaratan bir müessirin eseri olabileceğini vurgulamaktadır. Âmidî’nin böyle bir görüşü savunup savunmadığını tespit etmek amacıyla, onun kasıtla yaratma ile îcâb yoluyla yaratma arasındaki temel farklardan biri olan, kastın vuku bulması için maksûdun yokluğunun şart olduğu ilkesini sürdürüp sürdürmediği soruşturuldu. Nitekim, maksûdun yokluğunun kastın bir şartı olduğu ilkesine göre, kasıtla yaratan bir fâilin kastettiği eserin, sadece zâtî değil, zamansal olarak da öncelik-sonralık ilişkisi içinde bulunması gerekir. Ancak Adudüddin Îcî’ye göre, Âmidî tam da bunun aksini mümkün görmüştür. Makale, Âmidî’nin bu ilkeyi koruduğunun gösterilmesi halinde, böyle bir görüşle itham edilemeyeceğini savunur. Bununla birlikte, Îcî’nin isnadına dayanak olabilecek bir başka noktaya işaret edilmektedir. Âmidî, âlemin yaratılmadan önceki yokluğunun ezelî bir maksûd olup olmadığı sorusunu gündeme getirmektedir. Bu çalışma, bu meselenin gündeme getirildiği pasaja dair bir yorum sunarak, Îcî’nin hatalı bir isnatta bulunduğuna dair gerekçeler sunmaktadır. Ayrıca makale, bu hatalı isnadın müteahhir dönem kelâm-felsefe ilişkisi bağlamındaki serencamını takip etmektedir. Burada temsil gücü yüksek müteahhir dönem kelâm eserlerinden verilen örneklerde, Âmidî’ye isnadın temelde Îcî’nin Kitābü’l-Mevāḳıf adlı eserindeki ifadelerinin aktarılması ve yorumlanmasından ibaret olduğu görülebilir. Bu çalışmada, Cürcânî’nin, Âmidî’nin pseudo-görüşünü destekleyen kişilerin bulunduğuna işaret ederken, aslında ön plana çıkması gereken kişinin Âmidî değil, muhtâr ve mûcibi uzlaştıran Nasîrüddin Tûsî olması gerektiği iddia edilmektedir. Tûsî, İbn Sînâ’nın bazı ifadelerinden esinlenip mūcib bi’z-zāt kavramını genişleterek, Zorunlu Varlık’ın “dilemeseydi, yapmazdı” anlamında muhtâr olduğunu ama dilemediği bir durumun gerçekleşmediği için eserinin kadîm olduğunu savunmuştur. Bu uzlaştırıcı yaklaşıma, İbn Kemâlpaşa gibi düşünürler tarafından mûcib nazariyesine dinî meşruiyet kazandırmak suretiyle atıfta bulunulmuştur. Pseudo-Âmidî ve Tûsî’nin uzlaştırıcı müdahalelerinin bir izdüşümü de Molla Câmî’nin ed-Durretü’l-fâḫire’sinde nazarî tasavvufun yaratma teorisi olarak formüle edilmesidir. Molla Câmî, sûfîlerin Pseudo-Âmidî’ye dayanarak muhtâr olup da eseri kadîm olan bir yaratma nazariyesini benimsediklerini iddia eder. (shrink)

Bu çalışmamızda Saraybosna Gazi Hüsrev Bey Kütüphanesinde bulunan 1206/1 nu.da kayıtlı En’am 6/158. ayeti tefsiri olan el yazması eser ele alınarak değerlendirilmektedir.

Saraybosna Gazi Hüsrev Bey Kütüphanesi 1206/2 nu.da kayıtlı el yazması eser Nahl 16/97. ayetin tefsiri ile ilgili olarak kaleme alınmıştır. Risalenin dibacesinde eserin özel bir ismi bulunmamaktadır. Katalog verilerinde eserin ismi “Risâle fî Tefsîri Kavlihî Teâlâ: men ‘amile sâlihan min zekerin ev unsâ ve huve mu’minun” şeklinde yer almaktadır. Bu isimlendirmeden eserin, Nahl 16/97. ayetin tefsiri anlamında, ayetin bir kısmı ile katalogda isimlendirildiğini anlamaktayız. Kataloğa göre risale, eserin “19b-24” varakları arasında yer almaktadır.

Klasik eserlerin yazmalarında yer alan ve temellük, vakıf, kıraat, rivayet, icazet, minhüvât, mütalaa, fevâid, mukabele, tashih, ferağ vb. isimlerle anılan metin dışı kayıtlar/kuyûdât eser ve müellifi hakkında başka hiçbir kaynakta bulunmayan değerli bilgiler içerebilmektedir. Geçmişte klasik eserler üzerine kısıtlı imkanlarla yapılan akademik çalışma, tercüme ve tahkikli neşir faaliyetlerinde kapsamlı bir nüsha taraması yapmak çok mümkün olmadığı için yazmalarda yer alan kuyûdâtı görüp bunları bir kaynak olarak kullanmak pek rastlanan bir durum değildi. Yazma eserlerin onlarca dijital nüshasını aynı anda inceleme (...) imkanını bulduğumuz son on, on beş yıl zarfında yazmalardaki kuyûdât araştırmacılar için yeni bir çalışma alanı olarak karşımıza çıktı. Bu kayıtlardan elde edilen bilgiler sayesinde eserler ve müellifleri hakkındaki bazı boşluklar doldurulmaya, hatalar tashih edilmeye başlandı. Sağladı faydalar neticesinde günümüzde kuyûdât üzerine yapılan ve ilimler tarihine önemli katkılar sağlayan çalışmalar giderek artmakta olup kuyûdâtın kaynak değeri daha belirgin hale gelmektedir. Kuyûdât üzerine yapılmış çalışmalardan biri olan bu makalede geç dönem (9-11. / 15-17.) Hanefî fıkıh ve usûl-i fıkhına dair Osmanlı coğrafyasında telif edilmiş bazı önemli eserlerin ve onlara ait yazma nüshaların bilgi ve kaynak değerini öne çıkaran kayıt türleri üzerine yapılmış bir araştırmanın neticeleri sunulmuştur. (shrink)

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Eser, yazarın 2008 yılında tamamlamış olduğu “Kur’an’ın Tasdik Ettiği Tevrat’taki Konular” isimli doktora tezinin 2011 yılında “Tevrat’ın Kur’an’a Arzı-Kur’an’ın Tevrat’ta Tasdik Ettiği Konular” ismiyle basılmasıyla yayın hayatına kazandırılmıştır. Kur’an ve Tevrat’taki konular bu çalışmanın öncesinde ve sonrasında genellikle mukayeseli bir biçimde çalışılmıştır. Gerek Kur’an ve Tefsir alanında gerekse Dinler Tarihi alanında kıssalar, tarihi olaylar, hükümler, uygulamalar gibi pek çok açıdan Kur’an ve Tevrat’a dair özellikle mukayese içeren tezler ve eserler bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın alandaki diğer eserlerden farkı Kur’an’ın Tevrat’ı tasdik (...) edici olmasının ne mânaya geldiğini izah etmesi ve Tevrat’ta yer alan hangi konuları doğrulayıcı olduğunu derli toplu bir şekilde ortaya koymasıdır. (shrink)

Dâwûd al-Qarisî (Dâvûd al-Karsî) was a versatile and prolific 18th century Ottoman scholar who studied in İstanbul and Egypt and then taught for long years in various centers of learning like Egypt, Cyprus, Karaman, and İstanbul. He held high esteem for Mehmed Efendi of Birgi (Imâm Birgivî/Birgili, d.1573), out of respect for whom, towards the end of his life, Karsî, like Birgivî, occupied himself with teaching in the town of Birgi, where he died in 1756 and was buried next to (...) Birgivî. Better known for his following works on Arabic language and rhetoric and on the prophetic traditions (hadith): Sharḥu uṣûli’l-ḥadîth li’l-Birgivî; Sharḥu’l-Ḳaṣîdati’n-nûniyya (two commentaries, in Arabic and Turkish); Şarḥu’l-Emsileti’l-mukhtalifa fi’ṣ-ṣarf (two commentaries, in Arabic and Turkish); Sharḥu’l-Binâʾ; Sharḥu’l-ʿAvâmil; and Sharḥu İzhâri’l-asrâr, Karsî has actually composed textbooks in quite different fields. Hence the hundreds of manuscript copies of his works in world libraries. Many of his works were also recurrently printed in the Ottoman period. One of the neglected aspects of Karsî is his identity as a logician. Although he authored ambitious and potent works in the field of logic, this aspect of him has not been subject to modern studies. Even his bibliography has not been established so far (with scattered manuscript copies of his works and incomplete catalogue entries). This article primarily and in a long research based on manuscript copies and bibliographic sources, identifies twelve works on logic that Karsî has authored. We have clarified the works that are frequently mistaken for each other, and, especially, have definitively established his authorship of a voluminous commentary on al-Kâtibî’s al-Shamsiyya, of which commentary a second manuscript copy has been identified and described together with the other copy. Next is handled his most famous work of logic, the Sharhu Îsâghûcî, which constitutes an important and assertive ring in the tradition of commentaries on Îsâghûcî. We describe in detail the nine manuscript copies of this work that have been identified in various libraries. The critical text of Karsî’s Sharhu Îsâghûcî, whose composition was finished on 5 March 1745, has been prepared based on the following four manuscripts: (1) MS Kayseri Raşid Efendi Kütüphanesi, No. 857, ff.1v-3v, dated 1746, that is, only one year after the composition of the work; (2) MS Bursa İnebey Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Genel, No.794B, ff.96v-114v, dated 1755; (3) MS Millet Kütüphanesi, Ali Emiri Efendi Arapça, No. 1752, ff.48v-58r, dated 1760; (4) MS Beyazıt Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Beyazıt, No. 3129, ff.41v-55v, dated 8 March 1772. While preparing the critical text, we have applied the Center for Islamic Studies (İslam Araştırmaları Merkezi, İSAM)’s method of optional text choice. The critical text is preceded by a content analysis. Karsî is well aware of the preceding tradition of commentary on Îsâghûcî, and has composed his own commentary as a ‘simile’ or alternative to the commentary by Mollâ Fanârî which was famous and current in his own day. Karsî’s statement “the commentary in one day and one night” is a reference to Mollâ Fanârî who had stated that he started writing his commentary in the morning and finished it by the evening. Karsî, who spent long years in the Egyptian scholarly and cultural basin, adopted the religious-sciences-centered ‘instrumentalist’ understanding of logic that was dominant in the Egypt-Maghrib region. Therefore, no matter how famous they were, he criticized those theoretical, long, and detailed works of logic which mingled with philosophy; and defended and favored authoring functional and cogent logic texts that were beneficial, in terms of religious sciences, to the seekers of knowledge and the scholars. Therefore, in a manner not frequently encountered in other texts of its kind, he refers to the writings and views of Muhammad b. Yûsuf al-Sanûsî (d.1490), the great representative of this logical school in the Egyptian-Maghrib region. Where there is divergence between the views of the ‘earlier scholars’ (mutaqaddimûn) like Ibn Sînâ and his followers and the ‘later scholars’ (muta’akhkhirûn), i.e., post-Fakhr al-dîn al-Râzî logicians, Karsî is careful to distance himself from partisanship, preferring sometimes the views of the earliers, other times those of the laters. For instance, on the eight conditions proposed for the realization of contradiction, he finds truth to be with al-Fârâbî, who proposed “unity in the predicative attribution” as the single condition for the realization of contradiction. Similarly, on the subject matter of Logic, he tried to reconcile the mutaqaddimûn’s notion of ‘second intelligibles’ with the muta’akhkhirûn’s notion of ‘apprehensional and declarational knowledge,’ suggesting that not much difference exists between the two, on the grounds that both notions are limited to the aspect of ‘known things that lead to the knowledge of unknown things.’ Karsî asserts that established and commonly used metaphors have, according to the verifying scholars, signification by correspondence (dalâlat al-mutâbaqah), adding also that it should not be ignored that such metaphors may change from society to society and from time to time. Karsî also endorses the earlier scholars’ position concerning the impossibility of quiddity (mâhiyya) being composed of two co-extensive parts, and emphasizes that credit should not be given to later scholars’ position who see it possible. According to the verifying scholars (muhaqqîqûn), it is possible to make definition (hadd) by mentioning only difference (fasl), in which case it becomes an imperfect definition (hadd nâqis). He is of the opinion that the definition of the proposition (qadiyya) in al-Taftâzânî’s Tahdhîb is clearer and more complete: “a proposition is an expression that bears the possibility of being true or false”. He states that in the division of proposition according to quantity what is taken into consideration is the subject (mawdû‘) in categorical propositions, and the temporal aspect of the antecedent (muqaddam) in hypothetical propositions. As for the unquantified, indefinite proposition (qadiyya muhmalah), Karsî assumes that if it is not about the problems of the sciences, then it is virtually/potentially a particular proposition (qadiyya juz’iyyah); but if it is about the problems of the sciences, then it is virtually/potentially a universal proposition (qadiyya kulliyyah). This being the general rule about the ambiguous (muhmal) propositions, he nevertheless contends that, because its subject (mawdû‘) is negated, it is preferable to consider a negative ambiguous (sâliba muhmalah) proposition like “human (insân) is not standing” to be a virtually/potentially universal negative (sâliba kulliyyâh) proposition. He states that a disjunctive hypothetical proposition (shartiyya al-munfasila) that is composed of more than two parts/units is only seemingly so, and that in reality it cannot be composed of more than two units. Syllogism (qiyâs), according to Karsî, is the ultimate purpose (al-maqsad al-aqsâ) and the most valuable subject-matter of the science of Logic. For him, the entire range of topics that are handled before this one are only prolegomena to it. This approach of Karsî clearly reveals how much the ‘demonstration (burhân)-centered’ approach of the founding figures of the Muslim tradition of logic like al-Fârâbî and Ibn Sînâ has changed. al-Abharî, in his Îsâghûjî makes no mention of ‘conversion by contradiction’ (‘aks al-naqîd). Therefore, Karsî, too, in his commentary, does not touch upon the issue. However, in his Îsâghûjî al-jadîd Karsî does handle the conversion by contradiction and its rules. Following the method of Îsâghûjî, in his commentary Karsî shortly touches on the four figures (shakl) of conjuctive syllogism (qiyâs iqtirânî) and their conditions, after which he passes to the first figure (shakl), which is considered ‘the balance of the sciences’ (mi‘yâr al-‘ulûm), explaining the four moods (darb) of it. In his Îsâghûjî al-jadîd, however, Karsî handles all the four figures (shakl) with all their related moods (darb), where he speaks of fife moods (darb) of the fourth figure (shakl). The topic of ‘modal propositions’ (al-muwajjahât) and of ‘modal syllogism’ (al-mukhtalitât), both of which do not take place in the Îsâghûjî, are not mentioned by Karsî as well, either in his commentary on Îsâghûjî or in his Îsâghûjî al-jadîd. Karsî proposes that the certainties (yaqîniyyât), of which demonstration (burhân) is made, have seven, not six, divisions. After mentioning (1) axioms/first principles (awwaliyyât), (2) observata/sensuals (mushâhadât), (3) experta/empiricals (mujarrabât), (4) acumenalia (hadthiyyât), (5) testata (mutawâtirât), and (6) instictives (fitriyyât), that is, all the ‘propositions accompanied by their demonstrations,’ Karsî states that these six divisions, which do not need research and reflection (nazar), are called badîhiyyât (self-evidents), and constitute the foundations (usûl) of certainties (yaqîniyyât). As the seventh division he mentions (7) the nazariyyât (theoreticals), which are known via the badîhiyyât, end up in them, and therefore convey certainty (yaqîn). For Karsî, the nazariyyât/theoreticals, which constitute the seventh division of yaqîniyyât/certainties, are too numerous, and constitute the branches (far‘) of yaqîniyyât. Every time the concept of ‘Mughâlata’ (sophistry) comes forth in the traditional sections on the five arts usually appended to logic works, Karsî often gives examples from what he sees as extreme sûfî sayings, lamenting that these expressions are so widespread and held in esteem. He sometimes criticizes these expressions. However, it is observed that he does not reject tasawwuf in toto, but excludes from his criticism the mystical views and approaches of the truth-abiding (ahl al-haqq), shârî‘â-observant (mutasharri‘) leading sufis who have reached to the highest level of karâmah. (shrink)

Mâzerî et-Temimî (ö. 536/1141) Endülüs’ün düşmesinden önce Kuzey Afrika’da yaşamış son fakihlerdendir. Malikî fıkhının usûl-i fıkıh yapısının oluşumunda önemli dönüm noktası olarak kabul edilen Îzâhu’l-Mahsûl min Burhâni’l-usûl isimli eserin müellifidir. Hadis, fıkıh, kelam, tıp ve fetvâ alanlarında kayda değer bilgi sahibi Mâzerî’nin usûlcülüğüne dair bir çalışmanın yapılmamış olması bu çalışmayı gerekli kılmıştır. Çalışmada Mâzerî’nin usûl anlayışı usûl-i fıkıh alanında yazdığı Îzâhu’l-Mahsûl isimli eser üzerinden incelenmektedir. Îzâhu’l-Mahsûl, Mâzerî’nin Şâfiî âlim İmâmü’l-Haremeyn Cüveynî’nin (ö. 478/1085) el-Burhan fî usûli’l-fıkh isimli usûl-i fıkıh eseri (...) üzerine yapılan bir şerhtir. Şerhedilen Cüveynî’nin el-Burhân isimli eseri, Şâfiî usûl-i fıkhının temel metinlerinden birisidir. Mâzerî bu önemli eser üzerine yaptığı şerhte, hocası Cüveynî’nin konu tasnifi ve sistematiğini takip etmiş, usûl-i fıkıh yazımında mütekellimin yöntemini uygulamıştır. Hocasının eseri ile benzerlikler taşımasına rağmen söz konusu şerh, tamamlanmamış hâliyle dahi yer verdiği görüşler ve değerlendirmeler ile müstakil bir eser mahiyetindedir. Mâzerî eserde hocasına muhalefet etmekten çekinmemiş, kendi ictihad usûlünü ortaya koymuştur. Araştırmaya inceleme konusu edilen Îzâhu’l-Mahsûl isimli eser, Şâfiî usûl-i fıkhının Malikî usûl-i fıkhını yöntem ve içerik açısından etkilemesi açısından önemli bir örnektir. Bu eser ile birlikte Mâlikî usûl-i fıkıh literatürü ve metinleri Îzâhu’l-Mahsûl’den örnek alınarak oluşturulmuştur. Mâzerî sonrası Malikî usûlcülere kaynak olan bu eser, aynı zamanda Şâfiî-Malikî usûl-i fıkıh etkileşiminin izlerini barındırdığı için inceleme konusu edilmiştir. Çalışma kapsamında Îzâhu’l-Mahsûl eserinde Mâzerî’nin usûl anlayışında öne çıkan ilkeler tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Böylece Mâlikî usûl-i fıkhının hangi hususlar üzerine inşa edildiğinin net olarak ortaya konulması hedeflenmiştir. Mâzerî’nin usûl anlayışının içinde yetiştiği fikri ve siyasi ortamdan etkilenmemesi mümkün değildir. Bu durum göz önünde bulundurularak Mâzerî’nin hayatına, hocalarına, eserlerine ve yaşadığı dönemde Mağrib bölgesinin düşünsel ve siyasi atmosferine kısaca temas edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Yaşamına dair tüm detayların, Mâzerî’nin ilmî hayatına ve özelde usûlcülüğüne etkisi anlaşılmaya çalışılmıştır. Ayrıca Mazerî’nin usûl anlayışının öne çıkan unsurlarının tespiti, Mağrip bölgesindeki fıkhî yapının anlaşılması ve İslâm hukuk tarihi açısından bölgenin aydınlatılması açısından da önemlidir. Söz konusu saiklerle yapılan çalışma, Mâzerî’nin usûl anlayışını temel özellikleri açısından ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Böylece Mâzerî’nin Mâlikî usûl-i fıkıh anlayışına ve literatürüne yaptığı katkıya ışık tutmak amaçlanmıştır. Araştırmada nitel araştırma metotlarından doküman incelemesi yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Bu bağlamda Mâzerî’nin görüşleri, kendisinden etkilendiği hocası Cüveynî’nin görüşleri ile mukayese edilmek suretiyle metin analizi uygulanmaya çalışılmıştır. (shrink)

1942 yılında Hindistan’da dünyaya gelen merhum Saîd Ahmed el-Bâlenbûrî, çağımızın önemli bilginlerindendir. Uzun yıllar Diyobend medreselerinde fıkıh ve hadis müderrisliği yapmıştır. Bu medreselerde okutulmak üzere birtakım ders kitapları kaleme almıştır. Onun yazdığı ders kitaplarından birisi de Hanefi mezhebi usulüne dair telif ettiği Mebâdiü’l-Usûl adlı eserdir. Bu çalışmayla ilgili eser tanıtılarak eksik görülen yönlerinin ortaya çıkarılması amaçlanmıştır.