Le présent article prend pour point de départ de sa réflexion sur les enjeux épistémologiques et méthodologiques des petits corpus un constat simple, à savoir que ceux-ci ont survécu à l’heure où l’essor de la linguistique de corpus et le développement du big data ont multiplié les ressources. Cette survie est, selon nous, la preuve d’une nécessité à la fois matérielle et logistique et d’une pertinence scientifique des petits corpus que nous explorons sous l’angle particulier de la langue orale et (...) du domaine spécifique de la phonologie. Nous montrons en quoi cette discipline entretient un rapport unique à l’objet langue et donc privilégié aux corpus et repensons la validité des corpus non pas en termes de taille, mais en termes de finalité. Nous défendons alors la méthodologie et les ambitions du programme PAC dont la base de données sur l’anglais oral contemporain repose exclusivement sur de petits corpus spécialisés constitués dans les différentes aires géographiques anglophones. Nous démontrons non seulement la pertinence individuelle de ces petits corpus pour l’étude quantitative et qualitative de phénomènes précis, comme le nivellement de la variété mancunienne dans le nord de l’Angleterre ; mais également l’apport concret de la comparabilité et de la jonction possible des analyses faites à partir de ces petits corpus pour la modélisation théorique des phénomènes de rhoticité et de r de sandhi dans les variétés d’anglais parlées à travers le monde. Ainsi, nous illustrons la manière dont les résultats obtenus grâce à l’étude en profondeur des petits corpus PAC permettent de penser la dynamique des systèmes de l’anglais ainsi que le poids sociolinguistique des identités, notamment nord-sud, dans la description et la compréhension de leurs caractéristiques phonético-phonologiques. Aussi, en défendant les petits corpus, nous défendons en creux la phonologie de corpus, et nous remettons en cause la supériorité automatique des grands corpus pour ce qui est de l’analyse en profondeur de la langue orale et de l’évolution des variétés d’anglais parlées à travers le monde. (shrink)

1. La philosophie politique contemporaine : en français et en anglais François Boucher (FB) : Votre travail semble habité par une volonté d'établir des ponts entre la pensée politique française et anglo-américaine. Cette volonté est déjà visible dans votre ouvrage de 2000, Pluralist Thought and the State in Britain and France (1900-1925), qui compare les penseurs pluralistes du début XXe en France et en Angleterre. Elle est également au cœur de Critical Republicanism, The Hijab Controversy an...

Liberal societies conventionally treat religion as unique under the law, requiring both special protection and special containment. But recently this idea that religion requires a legal exception has come under fire from those who argue that religion is no different from any other conception of the good, and the state should treat all such conceptions according to principles of neutrality and equal liberty. Cécile Laborde agrees with much of this liberal egalitarian critique, but she argues that a simple analogy (...) between the good and religion misrepresents the complex relationships among religion, law, and the state. Religion serves as more than a statement of belief about what is true, or a code of moral and ethical conduct. It also refers to comprehensive ways of life, political theories of justice, modes of voluntary association, and vulnerable collective identities. Disaggregating religion into its various dimensions, as Laborde does, has two clear advantages. First, it shows greater respect for ethical and social pluralism by ensuring that whatever treatment religion receives from the law, it receives because of features that it shares with nonreligious beliefs, conceptions, and identities. Second, it dispenses with the Western, Christian-inflected conception of religion that liberal political theory relies on, especially in dealing with the issue of separation between religion and state. As a result, Liberalism's Religion offers a novel answer to the question: Can Western theories of secularism and religion be applied more universally in non-Western societies?--. (shrink)

In his recent Rescuing Justice and Equality, G. A. Cohen mounts a sustained critique of coerced labour, against the background of a radical egalitarian conception of distributive justice. In this article, I argue that Cohenian egalitarians are committed to holding the talented under a moral duty to choose socially useful work for the sake of the less fortunate. As I also show, Cohen's arguments against coerced labour fail, particularly in the light of his commitment to coercive taxation. In the course (...) of defending those claims, I claim that Cohen's remarks on freedom of occupational choice and taxation exhibit partiality towards the interests of the better-off to the detriment of the less fortunate – a partiality which is in tension with his commitment to equality. (shrink)

The first comprehensive analysis of the philosophical issues raised by the hijab controversy in France, this book also conducts a dialogue between contemporary Anglo-American and French political theory and defends a progressive republican solution to so-called multicultural conflicts in contemporary societies. It critically assesses the official republican philosophy of laïcité which purported to justify the 2004 ban on religious signs in schools. Laïcité is shown to encompass a comprehensive theory of republican citizenship, centered on three ideals: equality (secular neutrality of (...) the public sphere), liberty (individual autonomy and emancipation) and fraternity (civic loyalty to the community of citizens). Challenging official interpretations of laïcité, the book then puts forward a critical republicanism which does not support the hijab ban, yet upholds a revised interpretation of three central republican commitments: secularism, non-domination and civic solidarity. Thus, it articulates a version of secularism which squarely addresses the problem of status quo bias - the fact that Western societies are historically not neutral towards all religions. It also defends a vision of female emancipation which rejects the coercive paternalism inherent in the regulation of religious dress, yet does not leave individuals unaided in the face of religious and secular, patriarchal and ethnocentric domination. Finally, the book outlines a theory of immigrant integration which places the burden of civic integration on basic socio-political institutions, rather than on citizens themselves. Critical republicanism proposes an entirely new approach to the management of religious and cultural pluralism, centred on the pursuit of the progressive ideal of non-domination in existing, non-ideal societies. (shrink)

Ce texte a déjà paru dans Album '50' le 22 mars 2016. Nous remercions Cécile Boulaire de nous avoir autorisé à le reproduire ici. Mardi 15 mars s'est tenue une après-midi de rencontre avec des orthophonistes membres de l'association tourangelle Paroles d'Or, autour de la notion de rythme dans l'album. L'idée de départ était que les orthophonistes font parfois usage de l'album dans leur pratique auprès des enfants, de manière intuitive ou suite à des sessions de formation - Poétique (...) et Études littéraires – GALERIE – Nouvel article. (shrink)

Republicanism and Political Theory is the first book to offer a comprehensive and critical survey of republican political theory. Critically assesses its historical credentials, conceptual coherence, and normative proposals Brings together original contributions from leading international scholars in an interactive way Provides the reader with valuable insight into new debates taking place in republican political theory.

Cécile Fabre defends an ethical account of war which focuses on the individual, as a rational and moral agent, over collective groups of people. She offers a new account of just and unjust war, exploring wars of national defence, civil wars, humanitarian intervention, wars involving private military forces, and asymmetrical wars.

Cet article propose une réflexion sur la protection des capacités au travail à partir de Martha Nussbaum. Sa visée est de penser les conditions institutionnelles de l’accès aux capacités, dans le cadre du travail, en mettant en évidence les points de tension entre l’approche des capacités et d’autres approches libérales, contractualiste ou utilitariste, qui structurent l’organisation du travail dans la société de marché. Libérale d’un point de vue politique dans la lignée d’Emmanuel Kant, tout en s’intéressant comme Aristote et à (...) Karl Marx à la question des seuils et des libertés substantielles, Nussbaum permet de souligner dans le même temps les tensions qui traversent le travail contemporain et les conditions d’un développement humain au travail à partir d’une liste de capacités centrales et d’un seuil d’accès aux ressources nécessaires pour les mettre en œuvre. L’article s’appuie sur cette approche des capacités et la théorie de la justice de Nussbaum pour analyser les limites du droit, souligner les logiques institutionnelles qui conditionnent l’accès aux capacités au travail, et de distinguer les responsabilités collectives vis-à-vis du développement humain au travail. (shrink)

Cécile Fabre draws back the curtain on the ethics of espionage and counterintelligence. In a book rich with historical examples she argues that spying is only justified to protect against ongoing violations of fundamental rights. Blackmail, bribery, mass surveillance, cyberespionage, treason, and other nefarious activities are considered.

Résumé Dans ce texte, l’autrice explore différents enjeux proprement féministes qui émergent de l’industrie de la mode, notamment dans les secteurs de la production, de la vente et de la commercialisation des vêtements. Elle s’intéresse également à la manière dont les images produites par l’industrie de la mode participent à renforcer l’objectivation des corps féminins. S’en suit un retour sur les travaux de Beauvoir, Garcia, Dolezal et Bordo sur l’être-au-monde féminin, qui signifie d’exister-pour-autrui et de se faire objet de désir. (...) Ces réflexions sont mises en parallèle avec les travaux de Young et de Froidevaux-Metterie, selon qui le plaisir de se vêtir participe à l’appropriation et à l’augmentation de la subjectivité. L’autrice propose alors de concilier valeurs féministes non oppressives avec le besoin existentiel d’être et de se reconnaître que le vêtir permet en grande partie de combler, en adoptant des pratiques de mode lente. (shrink)

Cinq ans après sa première sortie, largement saluée, paraît cette édition revue et augmentée de l’Encyclopédie critique du genre dirigée par l’historienne et sociologue Juliette Rennes. Les 66 articles ont été actualisés et huit nouvelles entrées font leur apparition, portant le total à 74 : ce sont ainsi plus de 150 pages qui viennent compléter la somme initiale, et 10 auteurs et autrices supplémentaires qui participent à l’ouvrage (pour un total de 90, issus de quinze disciplines). L’introd...

Do we have the right to deny others access to our body? What if this would harm those who need personal services or body parts from us? Ccile Fabre examines the impact that arguments for distributive justice have on the rights we have over ourselves, and on such contentious issues as organ sales, prostitution, and surrogate motherhood.

Should religion be singled out in the law? This Article evaluates two influential theories of freedom of religion in political theory, before introducing an alternative one. The first approach, the Substitution approach, argues that freedom of religion can be adequately expressed by a substitute category: typically, freedom of conscience. The second, the Proxy approach, argues that the notion of religion should be upheld in the law, albeit as a proxy for a range of different goods. After showing that neither approach (...) adequately meets crucial desiderata for an inclusive theory of religious freedom, the Article sets out the Disaggregation approach and defends against the alternatives. (shrink)

In this article, I compare the ways in which Baudrillard and Heidegger seek to bring attention to the importance of death for our personal existential situation which has now become repressed in conceptions of existence and society. Heidegger critiques public conceptions of death that serve to cover up its importance. Less well known is that, somewhat in parallel fashion, Baudrillard charts a ‘genealogy’ of the ‘extradition’ of the dead from the centre of the social and he claims that we live (...) currently in a death denying society. This reduces the meaning of our own impending deaths. However, unlike Heidegger, Baudrillard’s ‘genealogical’ critique of the exclusion of death in modern society is not a one-way dismissal because he proposes an alternative social role for death in the form of ‘primitive symbolic exchange’. (shrink)

In this paper, I provide a compositional semantics for sentences with enough and too followed by a to-infinitive clause and for resultative constructions with so... that within the framework of possible world semantics. It is proposed that the sentential complement of these constructions denotes an incomplete conditional and is explicitly or implicitly modalized, as if it were the consequent of a complete conditional. Enough, too, and so are quantifiers that relate an extent predicate and the incomplete conditional (expressed by the (...) sentential complement) and are interpreted as comparisons between two extents. The first extent is the maximal extent that satisfies the extent predicate. The second extent is the minimal or maximal extent of a set of extents that satisfy the (hidden) conditional, where the sentential complement supplies the consequent and the main clause the antecedent. This approach permits to predict (a) the context-dependent interpretation of these constructions and (b) the duality relations between the degree words. (shrink)

This article asks whether discrimination law should be symmetrical: whether it should offer the same level of protection to dominant and dominated groups. It articulates a structural inequality theory of the moral foundations of discrimination law and defends it against prominent alternatives, such as the view that discrimination is wrong because it is irrational or disrespectful. The paper then argues that while direct discrimination is symmetrical, indirect discrimination is asymmetrical. It cannot be claimed by those – men, or white persons (...) – who are not at the sharp end of structural inequality. Furthermore, even dominated groups cannot claim to be indirectly discriminated against by just any law that has a disparate impact on them. If the structural inequality view is correct, the protectorate of discrimination law is not as extensive as is commonly assumed. (shrink)

This article explores the possible convergence between the capabilities approach and utilitarianism to specify CSR. It defends the idea that this key issue is related to the anthropological perspective that underpins both theories and demonstrates that a relational conception of individual freedoms and rights present in both traditions gives adequate criteria for CSR toward the company's stakeholders. I therefore defend "relational capability" as a means of providing a common paradigm, a shared vision of a core component of human development. This (...) could further lead to a set of indicators aimed at assessing corporate social performance as the maximization of the relational capability of people impacted by the activities of companies. In particular, I suggest a way of evaluating the contribution of extractive companies to the communities close to their industrial sites in extremely poor areas, not from the viewpoint of material resources and growth, but from the viewpoint of the quality of the social environment and empowerment. (shrink)

Western philosophy has long excluded the work of women thinkers from their canon. Presenting Women Philosophers addresses this exclusion by examining the breadth of women's contributions to Western thought over some 900 years. Editors Cecile T. Tougas and Sara Ebenreck have gathered essays and other writings that reflect women's deep engagement with the meaning of individual experience as well as the continuity of their philosophical concerns and practices. Arranged thematically, the collection ranges across eras and literary genres as it emphasizes (...) the intellectual significance of written work by key figures—for example, Hildegard of Bingen's visionary writings, Iris Murdoch's fiction, Hannah Arendt's historical narratives, and the oral storytelling in black women's literary tradition. The collection also brings to light the philosophical importance of little-known work by such writers as Mme de Sablé and Mme de Condorcet. This wide-ranging collection offers non-philosophers an introduction to women's thought but also promises to engage advanced students of philosophy with new research on unrecognized contributions. Author note: Cecile T. Tougas, formerly an Assistant Professor of Philosophy, is a teacher of Latin and Algebra at Ben Franklin Academy in Atlanta.Sara Ebenreck is Assistant Professor of Philosophy at St. Mary's College of Maryland. (shrink)

The filamentous and branched thallus of Antithamnion plumula is constitued of two different kinds of branches with apical growth: the cladomial axes with a continuous or indefinite growth, and the pleuridia with a limited growth. The size of the pleuridia depends on their position with respect to the lateral cladomial axes.The growth kinetics of 35 pleuridia were analysed using Nelder's generalized logistics. Each sigmoidal curve, which was divided into four growth stages from the instantaneous acceleration variations, was thus characterized by (...) ten kinetic parameters: lengths at the time of the changes in growth stage, durations of the growth stages and maximum growth rate. (shrink)

The republican tradition seems to have a blind spot about global justice. It has had little to say about pressing international issues such as world poverty or global inequalities. According to the old, if apocryphal, adage: extra rempublicam nulla justitia. Some may doubt that distributive justice (as opposed to freedom or citizenship) is the primary virtue of republican institutions; and at any rate most would agree that republican values have traditionally been realized in the polis not in the (oxymoronic) cosmopolis. (...) The article sketches a republican account of global non-domination which suggests that duties of distributive justice are not bounded to the institutions of a single society. In particular, it argues that republicans have good reasons to seek to curb those global inequalities which underpin what I call capability-denying domination. (shrink)