Un nouvel intérêt se manifeste en France pour l'œuvre de Max Weber. Des traductions récentes rendent enfin accessibles au public français des textes majeurs jusqu'alors ignorés, tandis que les questions qui traversent cette œuvre, celle des formes de domination, des logiques d'individualisation et de socialisation, des conflits de valeur, imposent leur actualité à une époque où l'expansion planétaire de certains types de rationalité d'origine occidentale va de pair avec la remise en question irréversible des représentations eurocentriques du sens. Le moment (...) est venu d'une lecture philosophique, puisant aux textes et à leur commentaire érudit les moyens d'une reconstitution du programme scientifique wébérien, en le dégageant des mythes d'hier (la " sociologie compréhensive ") comme des distorsions d'aujourd'hui (la " crise de la modernité "), également incapables de renoncer aux postulats téléologiques que Weber n'a cessé de critiquer. Au fil de ses études, Catherine Colliot-Thélène s'y emploie en passant de la question des rationalités à celle des conditions historiques et à la genèse des systèmes juridiques. Instituant les confrontations nécessaires (Marx, Gierke, Schmitt, Elias, Wittgenstein, Habermas, Foucault), elle centre son alternative aux récupérations idéalistes de Weber sur trois concepts : contingence, conduites de vie, puissances de socialisation, dont l'ensemble fait de Weber le pionnier d'un nouvel universalisme sans fondation ni mission. (shrink)

A number of authors now invoke the opposition between political philosophy and social philosophy, whether to account for the specific nature of Marx’s relation to philosophy or to reactualize the project of a critical theory of society. What, the article asks, is the meaning of this distinction? Can it fulfill the requisite conditions that will enable philosophers to address in a pertinent manner the social and political challenges of our time? These are the questions addressed here by Catherine (...) class='Hi'>Colliot-Thélène, whose fear is that the distinction in question may lose sight of the crucial question of power, and by Franck Fischbach, who emphasizes the materialist orientation of an approach that seeks to address the political from the perspective of the social. (shrink)

Penser la démocratie sans demos implique de dénouer le lien solidement établi au XIXe siècle entre les concepts de démocratie et de souveraineté du peuple. A cela, la mondialisation contemporaine ne cesse de nous inciter. Le procès continu de démocratisation de l'Etat moderne a été rendu possible par l'individualisation du sujet de droit, elle-même résultat de la destruction des droits particuliers des sociétés d'Ancien Régime par l'action centralisatrice d'un pouvoir de type territorial. Mais, en s'imposant comme la seule instance garante (...) des droits, l'Etat moderne a aussi nationalisé la citoyenneté. Or, il est certain qu'aujourd'hui l'érosion du monopole juridique et judiciaire de l'Etat s'accompagne d'une multiplication et d'une hétérogénéité croissantes des pouvoirs auxquels les individus peuvent et doivent s'adresser pour obtenir la reconnaissance et la garantie des droits qu'ils revendiquent. Cette situation nous fait obligation de dénationaliser la citoyenneté sans sacrifier pour autant cette forme spécifique de subjectivité politique qu'est l'individu sujet de droits, sans renoncer par conséquent aux ressources émancipatrices dont cette figure du sujet politique a fait la preuve au cours des deux derniers siècles. (shrink)

Dans les « Concepts fondamentaux de sociologie » (1920), Max Weber distingue entre Vergemeinschaftung (« communautisation ») et Vergesellschaftung (« sociétisation »). Cette terminologie, bien qu’elle évoque l’opposition célèbre de Ferdinand Tönnies entre communauté et société, signale le caractère original de l’approche wébérienne des phénomènes collectifs. Plutôt que de figer des types de collectifs structurellement distincts les uns des autres, Weber analyse des logiques de formation qui se retrouvent et se combinent, à des degrés divers, dans tous les collectifs humains. (...) Un ensemble de manuscrits plus anciens (1910-1914), première mouture d’Économie et société, est consacré pourtant à l’étude de différentes variétés de communautés (domestiques, ethniques, nationales, de marché, etc.). S’appuyant sur ces manuscrits (dont la traduction française est parue en 2019), on confronte ici la compréhension wébérienne des phénomènes communautaires avec divers usages, anciens ou récents, de la notion de « communauté » ou du « commun ». (shrink)

Un nouvel intérêt se manifeste en France pour l'œuvre de Max Weber. Des traductions récentes rendent enfin accessibles au public français des textes majeurs jusqu'alors ignorés, tandis que les questions qui traversent cette œuvre, celle des formes de domination, des logiques d'individualisation et de socialisation, des conflits de valeur, imposent leur actualité à une époque où l'expansion planétaire de certains types de rationalité d'origine occidentale va de pair avec la remise en question irréversible des représentations eurocentriques du sens. Le moment (...) est venu d'une lecture philosophique, puisant aux textes et à leur commentaire érudit les moyens d'une reconstitution du programme scientifique wébérien, en le dégageant des mythes d'hier (la " sociologie compréhensive ") comme des distorsions d'aujourd'hui (la " crise de la modernité "), également incapables de renoncer aux postulats téléologiques que Weber n'a cessé de critiquer. Au fil de ses études, Catherine Colliot-Thélène s'y emploie en passant de la question des rationalités à celle des conditions historiques et à la genèse des systèmes juridiques. Instituant les confrontations nécessaires (Marx, Gierke, Schmitt, Elias, Wittgenstein, Habermas, Foucault), elle centre son alternative aux récupérations idéalistes de Weber sur trois concepts : contingence, conduites de vie, puissances de socialisation, dont l'ensemble fait de Weber le pionnier d'un nouvel universalisme sans fondation ni mission. (shrink)

This book critically investigates the notion of democracy without demos by unravelling the link that modern history has established between the concepts of democracy and the sovereignty of the people. This task is imposed on us by globalization. The individualization of the subject of rights is the result of the destruction of regimes of special rights of ancient societies by the centralizing action of a territorial power. This individualization, because it implies equality, has created a new form of political subjectivity (...) that has been the driving force of the democratization of democracies during the 19th and 20th centuries. Democracy and subjective rights discusses how asserting itself as the only guarantor of rights, the modern state has also nationalized citizenship. However, the author argues, the legal and judicial monopoly of the nation-state is weakened today by the multiplication and heterogeneity of the powers on which the rights of individuals depend. This situation forces us to denationalize citizenship without sacrificing, however, the specific form of political subjectivity that the individualization of rights has made possible. (shrink)

DE HEGEL A MAX WEBER, EN PASSANT PAR L'ECOLE HISTORIQUE ALLEMANDE (RANKE, DROYSEN, TREITSCHKE) : CETTE RECHERCHE S'ATTACHE A DECRIRE LE PROCES PAR LEQUEL UNE SCIENCE POSITIVE, LA SOCIOLOGIE, A REPRIS A SON COMPTE L'ENTREPRISE DE CONNAISSANCE DE LA REALITE SOCIO-POLITIQUE JADIS MENEE PAR LA PHILOSOPHIE PRATIQUE. REFUSANT DE PRENDRE PARTI DANS LA POLEMIQUE ENTRE THEORICIENS DES SCIENCES POSITIVES ET PHILOSOPHES, C'EST-A-DIRE D'INTERPRETER CE PROCES SOIT COMME UNE EMANCIPATION DES SCIENCES, SOIT COMME UNE DEGENERESCENCE, ON S'EST APPLIQUE A CONFRONTER LES (...) ECONOMIES RESPECTIVES DES DEUX DISCOURS, ET L'ON S'EST INTERROGE SUR LA NECESSITE QUI AVAIT COMMANDE CE REPLI DE LA PHILOSOPHIE POLITIQUE, ET L'ESSOR CORRELATIF DES SCIENCES SOCIALES. LA PHILOSOPHIE DU DROIT DE HEGEL ET LA SOCIOLOGIE WEBERIENNE, AUJOURD'HUI ENCORE DES REFERENCES FONDAMENTALES DANS LEURS DISCIPLINES RESPECTIVES, ILLUSTRENT ICI L'APPROCHE PHILOSOPHIQUE ET L'APPROCHE SOCIOLOGIQUE DU POLITIQUE. ENTRE CES DEUX OEUVRES, LA CRITIQUE DE LA SPECULATION PHILOSOPHIQUE PAR LES HISTORIENS D'UNE PART, LE MARXISME D'AUTRE PART, ONT PROVOQUE UN BOULEVERSEMENT EN PROFONDEUR DE LA REPRESENTATION DE L'HISTOIRE. L'IDEE D'UN SENS DE L'HISTOIRE S'EST PERDUE, ET AVEC ELLE LE CONCEPT PHILOSOPHIQUE DE LA RATIONALITE DES PRATIQUES. L'EMPIRISME DE LA SOCIOLOGIE WEBERIENNE, AUQUEL PEUVENT ETRE RAPPORTES TOUS LES ASPECTS CARACTERISTIQUES DE SA METHODOLOGIE, ENREGISTRE LES EFFETS DE CETTE MUTATION. (shrink)

Cette édition numérique a été réalisée à partir d'un support physique, parfois ancien, conservé au sein du dépôt légal de la Bibliothèque nationale de France, conformément à la loi n° 2012-287 du 1er mars 2012 relative à l'exploitation des Livres indisponibles du XXe siècle. Pages de début Introduction Aux sources de la méthodologie wébérienne : la polémique contre l'Ecole historique allemande Max Weber et le marxisme Rationalisation et désenchantement du monde La logique du comprendre Conclusion Textes extraits des œuvres de (...) Max Weber Quelques donnéesbiographiques et bibliographiques Glossaire Pages de fin. (shrink)

“Reality” is not a category listed in Hegel’s Logic. Hegel is distrustful of the ordinary uses of this term, linked to the empiricist presupposition of a dependence of thought on the given of sensi...

In her latest work, Le commun de la liberté (2022), Catherine Colliot-Thélène returns to Kant, which seems to her to offer a more robust defence of subjective rights and, above all, to provide these rights with all the guarantees necessary for them to be effective, notably through a reflection on the universalisation of private property understood as a fundamental right. This approach – which reinforces the definition of the subject of rights as a political subject advocated in La (...) démocratie sans “demos” (2011) – is similar to that of the reciprocity of powers described – and put aside – in Philip Pettit’s neo-republicanism. Our article seeks to understand whether a return to Hegel, interpreted in the light of the analyses proposed by Colliot-Thélène in her first work, Le désenchantement de l’État (1992), might not offer a better strategy in order to protect subjective rights: that of compatibility between the antecedence of a just social order and the defence of subjective rights. (shrink)

This article discusses some of the theses put forward by Catherine Colliot-Thélène in her latest book, Le commun de la liberté (2022). After a brief reminder of the links of continuity between the latter and La démocratie sans “demos” (2011), concerning in particular the central question, in both books, of subjective rights, I turn to the author’s treatment of the themes of property and exclusion. With regard to property, whose meaning I seek to determine in the book, it (...) is the joint, paradoxical and ultimately fruitful use of Kant’s and Marx’s theories that is examined here. According to Colliot-Thélène, the major problem of contemporary democracies is exclusion due to the dispossession or absence of property, which defies their universalist principles: I underline the originality of her approach in terms of rights, and suggest some extensions that sociological and ethnological literature can provide to it. (shrink)

Based more specifically on Le commun de la liberté (2022), this article examines the notion of the common as it appears in Catherine Colliot-Thélène’s thought, and aims to test the conception of politics that it outlines. The first part of the article examines the reasons, issues and contours of Colliot-Thélène’s “politics of rights”, before highlighting its merits, focusing in particular on the conception of social rights and migrants’ rights that it implies. After this first part, which seeks (...) to reconstruct the argument of Le commun de la liberté by following its argumentation, the second part seeks to identify what is both problematic and fruitful about this “politics of rights”: while thinking about the political common without self-legislation seems perilous, the risks of heteronomy that Colliot-Thélène’s approach seeks to avert call for us to question what democratic domination – government – can be. (shrink)

Catherine Colliot-Thélène, philosophe politique disparue en 2022, a livré, dans son dernier ouvrage Le commun de la liberté. Du droit de propriété au devoir d’hospitalité paru aux Presses universitaires de France cette même année, une nouvelle étape importante de sa philosophie de la démocratie élaborée une dizaine d’années plus tôt dans la continuité de sa lecture de Max Weber et de ses réflexions de longue date sur la notion de droits subjectifs. Le dossier de ce nº 61 des (...) Cahiers de philos... (shrink)

This paper analyses Catherine Colliot-Thélène’s two books, La démocratie sans “demos” (2011) and Le commun de la liberté (2022), focusing on the “politics of subjective rights” they propose. It highlights their originality, particularly with regard to the reading of Marx, and the contribution they make to the critical theory of society.

La présente étude part d’une discussion de la thèse exposée par Catherine Colliot-Thélène dans son ouvrage La démocratie sans « demos » selon laquelle la démocratie moderne est « sans demos », composée uniquement de sujets de droits individuels. Appliquée à la construction européenne, cette thèse s’avère féconde, mais aussi problématique. Si elle conduit à sortir des mythes du contrat social et du pouvoir constituant et de poursuivre la démocratisation par la seule garantie du droit subjectif, elle le (...) fait néanmoins en maintenant l’un des axiomes principaux du contractualisme qu’elle réfute, à savoir l’idée que face à l’État seul l’individu est source de droit, non les corps intermédiaires, les communautés et les collectifs. Une autre tradition constitutionnelle fait pourtant plus efficacement l’économie du concept de pouvoir constituant, l’anglaise et l’allemande. Celle-ci développe l’idée d’une « constitution matérielle » ou « réelle », issue des rapports de la pluralité des puissances sociales et non de la volonté du législateur. On postule que cette tradition permet de mieux décrire l’intégration européenne et qu’elle livre des pistes précieuses pour démocratiser l’Europe. (shrink)

Cet article propose de lire Le commun de la liberté (2022) de Catherine Colliot-Thélène comme une contribution majeure à la manière nouvelle de faire de la philosophie politique propre à ce que l’on peut appeler les « Lumières radicales ». Il part de l’idée que le livre s’inscrit dans le même projet politico-philosophique que La démocratie sans « demos » (2011), celui de reconstruire la démocratie sur une base nouvelle et radicale. Colliot-Thélène propose une défense audacieuse de (...) l’individualisme méthodologique des droits dont elle fait l’élément clé de la grammaire de la politique démocratique, en même temps qu’elle examine les lacunes des systèmes démocratiques existants du point de vue de deux figures symptomatiques, le pauvre et le réfugié. La deuxième partie de la contribution aborde trois aspects qui sont au cœur du Commun de la liberté, à savoir la conception de la propriété, la conception de la citoyenneté et des statuts personnels, et la théorie des droits. (shrink)

This article analyses the policies and the use of social rights in France and Germany in relation to the philosophical conception of subjective rights theorised by Catherine Colliot-Thélène. The first part is devoted to the relationship between the innate right and the solidarist conception of social citizenship, which is institutionalised and evolves within the framework of the “labour society” in both countries. The second part deals with the differences and developments in the French and German regimes of social (...) citizenship and policies of access to rights. In recent times, social rights have been redefined as fundamental rights and form part of a renewed conception of citizenship. In the third part, we study the implementation of schemes of access to social rights and their agents in Berlin, Paris and the Paris region, focusing on the case of “poor migrants”. (shrink)

This article discusses the way in which Catherine Colliot-Thélène addresses the issue of social law in her latest writings, in particular in Le commun de la liberté (2022). It is based on the hypothesis that social law is a point of discomfort for the Kantian and for the Marxian she is. Indeed, Colliot-Thélène recasts democracy, citizenship and, finally – since Le commun de la liberté – social law itself around the concept of subjective right, and not around (...) the concept of social law. But what is left of social law in this quest of a new foundation, which leads her to get rid of the concept of status? (shrink)

This book is one of the most important recent books on Hegel, a philosopher who has had a crucial impact on the shape of continental philosophy. Published here in English for the first time, it includes a substantial preface by Jacques Derrida in which he explores the themes and conclusions of Malabou's book. _The Future of Hegel: Plasticity, Temporality and Dialectic_ restores Hegel's rich and complex concepts of time and temporality to contemporary philosophy. It examines his concept of time, relating (...) it to perennial topics in philosophy such as substance, accident and the identity of the subject. Catherine Malabou's also contrasts her account of Hegelian temporality with the interpretation given by Heidegger in _Being and Time_, arguing that it is the concept of 'plasticity' that best describes Hegel's theory of temporality. The future is understood not simply as a moment in time, but as something malleable and constantly open to change through our interpretation. The book also develops Hegel's preoccupation with the history of Greek thought and Christianity and explores the role of theology in his thought. Essential reading for those interested in Hegel and contemporary continental philosophy, _The Future of Hegel _is also fascinating to those interested in the ideas of Heidegger and Derrida. (shrink)

At the center of Catherine's Malabou's study of Hegel is a defense of Hegel's relation to time and the future. While many readers, following Kojève, have taken Hegel to be announcing the end of history, Malabou finds a more supple impulse, open to the new, the unexpected. She takes as her guiding thread the concept of “plasticity,” and shows how Hegel's dialectic—introducing the sculptor's art into philosophy—is motivated by the desire for transformation. Malabou is a canny and faithful reader, (...) and allows her classic “maître” to speak, if not against his own grain, at least against a tradition too attached to closure and system. Malabou's Hegel is a “plastic” thinker, not a nostalgic metaphysician. (shrink)

This chapter contains sections titled: Catherine Malabou : “Unbind Me” Judith Butler : What Kind of Shape Is Hegel's Body in? Catherine Malabou : What Is Shaping the Body? Judith Butler : A Chiasm between Us, but No Chasm.

Local food systems are growing, and little is known about how the constellation of farms and markets change over time. We trace the evolution of two local food systems over six years, including a dataset of over 2690 market connections between 1520 locations. Longitudinal social network analysis reveals how the architecture, actor network centrality, magnitude, and spatiality of these supply chains shifted during the 2012–2018 time period. Our findings demonstrate that, despite growth in the number of farmers’ markets, grocery stores, (...) farms and restaurants in both counties, each local food system also experienced high turnover rates. Over 80% of the market connections changed during the study period. Farms, farmers’ markets, and grocery stores showed a 40–50% ‘survival’ rate, indicating their role in sustaining local food systems over longer time periods. Other actors, such as restaurants, had a much higher turnover rate within the network. Both food systems became more close-knit and consolidated as the center of gravity for both local food systems pulled away from urban areas toward rural farmland. Evidence of both growth and decay within local food systems provides a new understanding of the social networks behind local food markets. (shrink)

O texto visa explicar uma impossibilidade, um impensável, presente na filosofia contemporânea marcada pela preeminência não crítica da vida simbólica sobre a biológica. Propõe-se uma teoria que transcende a biopolítica e o biopoder, eliminando a oposição entre o biológico e o simbólico. A intenção é desenvolver um conceito de resistência biológica que não seja indiferente à resistência política. O título sugere uma cumplicidade, na forma de alternância, entre ambos, com um objetivo claro: uma conjunção dialética e complexa que nos ajude (...) a compreender o papel da biologia na resistência política e vice-versa. Essa abordagem exige repensar a biologia de maneira que transgrida a normalização e instrumentalização típicas da biopolítica. Não se trata apenas de um problema de discurso disciplinar ou práticas das ciências da vida, mas de uma distinção que as ciências humanas mantiveram entre vida simbólica e biológica, que hoje se mostra insustentável. O texto defende que a biologia contém uma resistência simbólica inerente, onde a vida resiste ao seu polimorfismo e fixação. Entender que o simbólico representa os diversos jogos que a vida joga consigo mesma, sem se fragmentar, permite reconhecer o potencial revolucionário da clonagem, suas técnicas e mecanismos epigenéticos. A epigenética, em especial, resiste à redução política da biologia a um mero veículo de poder. Reduzir esses novos campos à normalização biopolítica nos faz perder uma nova perspectiva: um intercâmbio evolutivo dentro da vida, expondo-a a riscos e novas possibilidades. Assim, o texto afirma que a vida biológica cria sua própria simbolização, sem depender de uma economia simbólica transcendental. Ele argumenta que a resistência simbólica está enraizada na biologia, resistindo ao polimorfismo e à fixação, e que a epigenética revela a complexa relação entre o biológico e o simbólico. Limitar esses campos à normalização biopolítica obscurece a compreensão da vida como um processo contínuo de troca e transformação, repleto de novas possibilidades e riscos. (shrink)

Neuroliterature: this word is not a name for a new discipline, which—like neurolinguistics, neuropsychoanalysis, or neurophilosophy—would tend to explain the way in which our mental acts are rooted in biological neural processes. Even if we have to pay these new sciences the most acute attention to the extent that they are currently re-sketching the inner and outer boundaries of the Humanities, my purpose here is different and wishes to escape all forms of reductionism.Current neurobiology will be present in my discourse, (...) but not as a possible new foundation for literature. Speaking from the continental philosophical point of view, I am interested in the way neurological research helps both radicalizing and... (shrink)

In recent decades, some feminists have turned to the writings of Hannah Arendt in order to propose a truly emancipatory ethic of care or to find the principles that could lead to the political institutionalization of care. Nevertheless, the feminist interpretations of Hannah Arendt are particularly contrasted. According to Sophie Bourgault, this recourse to Hannah Arendt is deeply problematic, mainly because of her strong distinction between the private and public spheres. This article discusses the relevance of using Arendt’s concepts to (...) think about the institutionalization of care by Joan Tronto. Indeed, the most recent analyses developed on the politics of care are shaped by Arendt’s concepts such as power, amor mundi or by her conception of politics as a relationship. (shrink)

What is the influence of music on the brain? And in what cases can this influence cause dysfunctioning? Among the different examples analyzed by Oliver Sacks, one is particularly significant: the phenomenon of synesthesia. Synesthesia is connected to having an extra one that associates different kinds of sensory information, music, and color. It can sometimes transform hearing music as a painful experience, transforming it into a pure literal meaning – to feel together – the secret condition for all sensations? This (...) hypothesis is examined by the French philosopher Maurice Merleau-Ponty. After all, Wagner was subject to synesthetic syndromes. (shrink)

Poststructuralism changes the way we understand the relations between human beings, their culture, and the world. Following a brief account of the historical relationship between structuralism and poststructuralism, this Very Short Introduction traces the key arguments that have led poststructuralists to challenge traditional theories of language and culture. Whilst the author discusses such well-known figures as Barthes, Foucault, Derrida, and Lacan, she also draws pertinent examples from literature, art, film, and popular culture, unfolding the poststructuralist account of what it means (...) to be a human being. (shrink)

In the United States, the decision of whether to withdraw or continue to provide artificial nutrition and hydration (ANH) for patients in a permanent vegetative state (PVS) is placed largely in the hands of surrogate decision-makers, such as spouses and immediate family members. This practice would seem to be consistent with a strong national emphasis on autonomy and patient-centered healthcare. When there is ambiguity as to the patient's advanced wishes, the presumption has been that decisions should weigh in favor of (...) maintaining life, and therefore, that it is the withdrawal rather than the continuation of ANH that requires particular justification. I will argue that this default position should be reversed. Instead, I will argue that the burden of justification lies with those who would continue artificial nutrition and hydration (ANH), and in the absence of knowledge as to the patient's advanced wishes, it is better to discontinue ANH. In particular, I will argue that among patients in PVS, there is not a compelling interest in being kept alive; that in general, we commit a worse violation of autonomy by continuing ANH when the patient's wishes are unknown; and that more likely than not, the maintenance of ANH as a bridge to a theoretical future time of recovery goes against the best interests of the patient. (shrink)