Existe-t-il une hypothèse de la servitude volontaire chez Spinoza? En partant des tensions qui naissent de l’apparente contradiction entre une telle hypothèse et l’anthropologie spinoziste, le présent article montre qu’il existe bien chez l’auteur du Traité théologico-politique des conditions politiques qui conduisent à l’inversion du conatus, au point de pousser les hommes à combattre « pour leur servitude comme s’il s’agissait de leur salut ». Spinoza tempère l’hypothèse laboétienne : un individu ou un peuple ne saurait de (...) lui-même désirer la servitude, mais peut y être conduit sous l’effet de l’adoption d’une certaine politique ou institution. Il ne s’agit pas seulement de la crainte favorisée par le régime monarchique. La fondation de la République des Hébreux, après la sortie d’Égypte du peuple juif, pose également la question de la servitude volontaire. La pensée spinoziste, ce faisant, témoigne d’un rationalisme politique inquiet, dont on peut s’inspirer aujourd’hui pour réfléchir sur les « causes extérieures cachées » qui peuvent fragiliser, voire contredire, le désir de liberté. (shrink)

Is there a thought of voluntary servitude in Spinoza’s theory? Starting with tensions arising from the apparent contradiction between such a thought and Spinoza’s anthropology, this paper shows that the Tractatus Theologico-politicus’s author identifies some political conditions that lead to the reversal of the conatus and make men fight “for their servitude as if it were their salvation”. Spinoza dampens La Boetie’s hypothesis : a man or a people cannot want to enslave himself/themselves, but can be induced (...) to do it under the effect of the adoption of a certain politics or institution. It is not only the fear the monarchical regime breeds. The foundation of the Hebrew Republic, after the Jewish people left Egypt, also raises the issue of voluntary servitude. Spinoza’s thought, consequently, shows a discerning political rationalism that can help us today to think about the “hidden external causes” which can weaken, even conflict with the desire for freedom. (shrink)

The 16th-century French humanist writer Etienne de La Boétie has not often been considered in literature on republican political thought, despite his famous essay, Discours de la Servitude Volontaire, displaying a number of clear republican tropes and themes, being largely concerned with the problem of arbitrary power embodied in the figure of the tyrant. Yet, I argue that the real significance of La Boétie’s text is in his radical concept of voluntary servitude and the way it adds a (...) new dimension to the neo-republican theory of liberty as non-domination. The problem of self-domination or wilful obedience to authority is a form of ideological domination that Pettit’s understanding of arbitrary power relationships between agents does not adequately account for. Furthermore, La Boétie shows that freedom is an ontological condition and is realised not – or not entirely – through the rule of law as the guarantee against arbitrariness, as neo-republicans advocate, but rather through acts of self-emancipation and civil disobedience. Here I understand La Boétie’s thinking in terms of a certain anarcho-republicanism in which the promotion of freedom depends not so much on institutions, as Pettit suggests, but rather on autonomous relations of friendship, love and solidarity between individuals. (shrink)

RESUMO:O objeto de estudo deste artigo é a condição humana. Qual a possibilidade de existência da condição humana fundamentada na liberdade? O objetivo é relacionar esfera pública, política, liberdade e condição humana. A elaboração teórica considerou obras de Etienne de La Boétie, Hannah Arendt, Cornelius Castoriadis, entre outros. Na atualidade, ocorre a supressão da condição humana, pois a esfera pública tem a ingerência da esfera privada, predominando a razão instrumental e a lógica do mercado, e o homem é afastado da (...) vida política. Por isso, a nossa ação política pela liberdade é fundamental para a problematização do processo de banalização do mal e da servidão voluntária. A coragem é uma virtude indispensável à ação política, é necessária para nos libertarmos da dominação e do servilismo da vida privada e conquistarmos a vida política. A centralidade da ação política do homem é a sua condição de ser atuante para a reafirmação da esfera pública, do mundo da pluralidade, humano e comum. Todavia, a condição humana fundamentada na liberdade implica a superação da atividade e do pensamento pragmáticos e fragmentários da vida cotidiana e a constituição da praxis na dimensão humano-genérica consciente. ABSTRACT:The subject of this article is the human condition. What is the possibility of the existence of the human condition founded on freedom? The aim is to connect the public sphere, politics, freedom, and the human condition. The works of Etienne de La Boétie, Hannah Arendt, Cornelius Castoriadis, and others, are considered. At the present time there is occurring a suppression of the human condition, because the public sphere exists under the interference of a private sphere in which instrumental reason and market logic prevail. People are divorced from political life. For this reason, political action seeking freedom is essential for addressing the problems of the banalization of evil and voluntary servitude. Courage is an indispensable virtue to political action; it is necessary for liberating us from the domination and servitude of private life, as well as for attaining political life. The centrality of human beings’ political action is the condition for acting to reaffirm the public sphere and the world of plurality, both human and common. However, the human condition founded on freedom supposes the overcoming of the pragmatic and fragmented activity and thinking of daily life, and requires the constitution of praxis in the conscious human-generic dimension. (shrink)

In the last third of the twentieth century, humanists and social scientists argued that attention to genetics would heighten already‐existing genetic determinism, which in turn would intensify negative social outcomes, especially sexism, racism, ableism, and harshness to criminals. They assumed that laypeople are at risk of becoming genetic essentialists. I will call this the “laypeople are genetic essentialists model.” This model has not accurately predicted psychosocial impacts of findings from genetics research. I will be arguing that the failure of the (...) model can be traced to its inability to recognize the complexity of laypeople’s attitudes; its incorrect theory of how beliefs, attitudes, and discourse function; and its blindness to how academics’ own interests can override the available evidence. More specifically, I suggest that the substantial data about laypeople’s deployment of genetics supports what I will call the “laypeople are strategic essentialists model” better than the “laypeople are genetic essentialists model.” The strategic essentialists model holds that people tend to store multiple categories, including multiple causal forces, that they deploy “strategically” to serve context‐dependent goals. It will be difficult for academics to reorient ourselves to model laypeople as sophisticated strategic essentialists rather than as naïve genetic essentialists. Perhaps a little shift, however, will be of value. (shrink)

Anorexia nervosa remains an enigma among Western cultures. Various causal explanations have been offered, encompassing biological, psychological, and sociocultural models. These explanations, however, focus on the immediate or proximal mechanisms of causation. A more thorough understanding of anorexia nervosa can be achieved by understanding the relationship between these factors and ultimate causation, the level of explanation which deals with individual reproductive fitness. This paper reviews the biological, psychological, sociocultural, and evolutionary models and indicates a necessary synthesis between proximate and ultimate (...) levels of causation in examining the anorexia nervosa puzzle. (shrink)

People respond to metaphors as much with regard to the emotions that they generate as to their referential, comparative contents. Interviews with non-geneticists about preferred metaphors for gene-environment interaction that illustrate this tendency are reported. These interviews also reveal the dynamic tendency of such emotional responses. A second set of interviews shows that lay people may preferentially use a metaphor of "virus" or "disease" for talking about genes, as opposed to the coding metaphors transmitted through the mass media and reportedly (...) preferred by geneticists. An explanation based on the differently situated emotions of these groups is proposed. It is proposed that the prominence of emotions in responding to genetics indicates the importance of incorporating analyses of emotions instead of simple principles into policy formulation about genetics. (shrink)

The human propensity for casting our social worlds as "us against them" is perhaps the primary impediment to deep and broadly inclusive understandings of the workings of rhetoric. Many decades ago, Kenneth Burke assailed that barrier with regard to Adolf Hitler. Surrounded by the satisfactions of vituperation against the leader of one of the world's most heinous social movements, Burke begged his readers to make space for understanding how Hitler's rhetoric brought about what it did. Philippe-Joseph Salazar's Words Are Weapons (...) makes a similar contribution for our era. He asks us to resist the gratifications generated by dismissing as "Islamaphobic" any critical analysis of what he calls "caliphal"... (shrink)

In the face of documented difficulties in the public understanding of genetics, new metaphors have been suggested. The language of information coding and processing has become deeply entrenched in the public representation of genetics, and some critics have found fault in the blueprint metaphor, a variant of the dominant theme. They have offered the language of the recipe as a preferable metaphor. The metaphors of the blueprint and the recipe are compared in respect to their deterministic implications and other associations. (...) The likelihood of the recipe metaphor framing cognition in more useful ways is called into question. (shrink)

This article explores the defining tendencies of urban expansion taking place in mega-cities of the Global South, as exemplified by recent trends in Metropolitan Manila and elsewhere. What I call the process of ‘uber-urbanization’ entails the construction of city emulants as platforms for the value-productive movements of globopolitical urban life, a fractal enterprise whose animating program involves the mediatization of human capacities in technologized forms of servitude. Such meditatized human capacities can be understood as comprising a kind of vital (...) infrastructure exemplified in long-standing experimental, risk-taking, shifting, multi-tasking modes of living developed out of urban conditions in the Global South. I discuss the liquidity of such modes of living on the part of surplus populations and its temporal dynamics as the newly discovered resource undergirding the expansion of city everywhere. (shrink)

This essay examines how two seventeenth-century feminists use the language of slavery and servitude to describe and protest the domination of women and girls. From their experiences of being forcibly confined to convents at a young age, Arcangela Tarabotti and Gabrielle Suchon demonstrate how the deprivation of knowledge, the restriction and destruction of social and kinship relations, and the impediments to the exercise their free wills impose upon them forms of slavery. The language of “slavery” and “servitude” plays (...) a distinctive role in their writing, the examination of which locates them in wider traditions of moral and political thought, helps us to understand their complaints, and allows us to appreciate their innovative, feminist adaptations of these discourses. The essay concludes with some reflections on how to think about the use of the idiom of slavery applied to the oppression of white Europeans, which is so common in the early modern period, contemporaneous with the rise of the transatlantic slave trade. (shrink)

Insights into the problem of our relation to language Kenneth Burke and Contemporary European Thought: A Rhetoric in Transition reflects the present transitional nature of rhetoric and society. Its purpose is to relate the rhetorical theory of Burke to the theories of four major European philosophers--Jürgen Habermas, Ernesto Grassi, Foucault, and Jacques Derrida--as they discuss the nature of language and its central role in society. This book describes a rhetorical world in transition but not a world in chaos. It points (...) to the centrality of symbolism in theories of language and rhetoric and illustrates Burke's influence as a pivotal things and theorist in the communication arts and sciences, suggesting that the observations regarding shifting paradigms and perspectives made by other scholars are indeed emergent in the realm of rhetoric. It also regards the powerful impact of language and symbolic action in both the critique and construction of human knowledge and augurs a central role for rhetoric in the intellectual and social transformations of this and the next century. (shrink)

The struggle for domination clearly persists in The Homecoming as it does in almost all of Pinter’s works. Because of the vague atmosphere, enigmatic characters, and dark, tragicomic dialogue and action, a single decisive meaning for the play cannot be identified. Many character analyses have been carried out on the play, frequently focusing on Ruth and her decision at the end. Moreover, critics have sought to read the play in the light of psychoanalysis, centering on the characters’ past and complexes. (...) By adding a sociopolitical dimension to purely realistic or symbolic readings, this article attempts to analyze the relationships of domination and servitude between characters at the micro-level of the family structure through Marx’s notions of fetishism in relations between individuals, and commodity fetishism as expounded by Slavoj Žižek. With the help of Žižek’s ideas on ideology, a new layer of sociopolitical signification to the relationships held between characters is added, particularly that between Ruth and the men, which is seen as a parallel to the macro-level fetishized relationships in pre-capitalist societies and commodity fetishism in a capitalist one. (shrink)

Spinoza’s philosophy is a philosophy of liberation rather than a philosophy of freedom. Originally and naturally subjected to adversity and servitude, human beings conquer their freedom through political life and thought. The emancipatory perspective that is put into play is based on an ontology that breaks with the classical opposition between freedom and necessity. Rather, the Spinozist construction of freedom dispenses with the notion of “free will”, and subjects it to philosophical review. The freedom that results from the philosophy (...) of immanence is public, a collective lifestyle that establishes the material, social and political conditions for the individual and common power in civil conversation. Spinoza calls democracy the collective existence thus organized, and contrasts it with the «state of solitude». (shrink)

Les sources orales font-elles des femmes les grandes muettes? Au primat de l'écrit comme moyen de connaissance du passé, héritage de l'histoire positiviste, a succédé l'évidence du recours à l'éventail le plus large possible de sources. Les traditions et enquêtes orales ont ainsi acquis leurs lettres de noblesse, en particulier pour l'étude des sociétés de l'oralité. Cet important acquis méthodologique, novateur en lui-même, comporte cependant bien souvent un aspect conservateur et ré...

El texto trae una traducción de tres capítulos de la obra Doctrina de la Voluntad. En ellos, Asa Mahan busca mostrar que, contrariamente a lo que podría pensarse, la doctrina de la Libertad no genera un espíritu de orgullo, altivez y autodependencia, sino que fomenta el surgimiento de un espíritu de humildad y dependencia de la Gracia Divina. Para ello, inicialmente retoma una distinción importante entre dos significados del término libertad: libertad entendida como lo opuesto a la Servidumbre Moral, y (...) libertad entendida como lo opuesto a la Necesidad, cuestión que ya había sido explicada con más detalle en los capítulos anteriores de Doctrine of the Will. En este contexto, Mahan sostiene que el gran error de muchos metafísicos de la Modernidad fue tomar la idea de Libertad de Voluntad como si fuera lo opuesto a la Servidumbre Moral, y no como lo opuesto a la Necesidad, como deberían haberlo hecho para que sus teorías contribuyan verdaderamente a la comprensión de la libertad como atributo de la voluntad humana. Además, el autor aborda el tema de la Servidumbre Moral para, posteriormente, mostrar que el elemento más importante en la formación del carácter moral de las personas es el elemento voluntario, y defiende que la doctrina de la Libertad, en el sentido en que la presenta a lo largo de la obra Doctrine of the Will, cuando es aceptada por las personas, tiende a generar en ellas un espíritu de humildad y dependencia de la Divina Providencia, espíritu que, según él, es la base de la verdadera piedad y virtud; y que la admisión de esta doctrina también destruye el espíritu de autodependencia, orgullo y altivez, mientras que la doctrina de la Necesidad tiene tendencias opuestas a éstas. (shrink)

An elegant English version of La Boetie's _Discourse on Voluntary Servitude_, which is both a key to understanding much of Montaigne and a major piece of early modern political thought. --Timothy Hampton, Professor of French and Comparative Literature, University of California, Berkeley.

Moti Mizrahi (2013) presents some novel counterexamples to Hypothetical Syllogism (HS) for indicative conditionals. I show that they are not compelling as they neglect the complicated ways in which conditionals and modals interact. I then briefly outline why HS should nevertheless be rejected.

Heidegger scholarship has done an admirable job accounting for Luther’s influence on key Heideggerian concepts such as his method of destruction and anxiety. Yet given Heidegger’s statements concerning Luther’s immense personal and philosophical importance, it is likely that Luther’s influence extends further and deeper than might first appear. I argue that this influence also manifests in Heidegger’s concept of authentic existence. In particular, I argue that Luther’s understanding of Christian freedom and servitude form ontic material from which Heidegger draws (...) to come to his general ontological understanding of Dasein’s freedom as power over its existence and servitude to its communal involvements. As Luther understands the freedom of a Christian, everything comes to aid the Christian in salvation, much like Dasein gains power over its existential possibilities in coming to authenticity. Yet this newly created freedom also creates additional ontological or existential connections with one’s community. The consequence of such connections is the addition of new responsibilities, or form of servitude, to one’s community wherein one aids others in coming to faith or authenticity, respectively. (shrink)

This is a handbook article about indicative conditionals.

This text centers around three main subjects. The first is the concept of modularity and independence in classical logic and nonmonotonic and other nonclassical logic, and the consequences on syntactic and semantical interpolation and language change. In particular, we will show the connection between interpolation for nonmonotonic logic and manipulation of an abstract notion of size. Modularity is essentially the ability to put partial results achieved independently together for a global result. The second aspect of the book is the authors' (...) uniform picture of conditionals, including many-valued logics and structures on the language elements themselves and on the truth value set. The third topic explained by the authors is neighbourhood semantics, their connection to independence, and their common points and differences for various logics, e.g., for defaults and deontic logic, for the limit version of preferential logics, and for general approximation"--Publisher. (shrink)

ABSTRACT “Lockdown!” has articulated our collective and individual fear response to the novel coronavirus. Two regnant specialized discourses fostered by the academy—science and ideology critique—could not redirect this inadequate response nor generate their own adequately broad and focused social responses. This suggests the desirability of the academy adding phronesis as a goal for its pedagogical practices.

At least many conditionals seem to convey the existence of a link between their antecedent and consequent. We draw on a recently proposed typology of conditionals to revive an old philosophical idea according to which the link is inferential in nature. We show that the proposal has explanatory force by presenting empirical results on two Dutch linguistic markers.

The Spanish movement Las Kellys, initiated by hotel housekeepers back in 2014, is a paradigm for the redefinition of salaried work as a whole. In an era when labor is being redefined as a feminine and feminized issue, Las Kellys fights against two sources of stigmatization: female domesticity and feminized externalization. This paper analyzes the threads of servitude, its continuities, and, through the struggle of the hotel housekeepers, its ruptures. It presents their strategy of political struggle, which has been (...) divided into seven points, and its social and political consequences, concluding that the emergence of Las Kellys (the women who clean) as a political entity entails a re-politicization of the concept of care from a feminist perspective. Our exposition of this exemplary case study allows us to single out some analytical elements in order to spur debate on the feminist articulation of production and reproduction today. (shrink)