This article considers Theodor W. Adorno’s thesis of the ‘liquidation of the individual’ as a contribution to the critique of political economy insofar as it links structural economic imperatives o...

The philosopher Gerald A. Cohen died on the 5th of August 2009. His contributions were at first based on Marx’s thought. He really appeared on the intellectual stage in 1978 with his Karl Marx’s Theory of History: A Defence. Later on, he gradually departed from Marx’s theory. He discussed the libertarian concept of self-ownership and the; possibility of associating it. with a Marxist approach, before entering into the normative debate around Rawls’s Theory of Justice, while his Marxism (...) was withering away. Based on Kantian philosophy, his critique of Rawls was that he allowed too little autonomy to individual choices. This paper discusses the; consistency of Jerry Cohen’s intellectual journey with regards to his Relation with Marx’s work. (shrink)

Theodor W. Adorno inspired much of Germany’s 1960s student movement, but he came increasingly into conflict with this movement about the practical implications of his critical theory. Others – including his friend and colleague Herbert Marcuse – also accused Adorno of a quietism that is politically objectionable and in contradiction with his own theory. In this article, I recon- struct, and partially defend, Adorno’s views on theory and (political) praxis in Germany’s 1960s in 11 theses. His often attacked and maligned (...) stance during the 1960s is based on his analysis of these historical circumstances. Put provocatively, his stance consists in the view that people in the 1960s have tried to change the world, in various ways; the point – at that time – was to interpret it. (shrink)

This paper sets forth the thesis that Walter Benjamin’s fragment, Capitalism as religion (written in 1921), should be understood as a polemical reflection upon the notion of secularization in contrast to the traditional views proposed by Max Weber and Ernst Troeltsch. Benjamin sees the capitalism system, in all its components, as a new kind of religion that fulfils and at the same time surpasses its theological heritage. Capitalism, according to Benjamin, expresses its profound theological spirit through the “bank notes”. Taking (...) these theoretical suggestions as a point of departure, this article undertakes a genealogical investigation of the origin of money as a sacramental sign. In order to do so, we discuss the ancient and medieval theory of sacramentum as the first conceptual laboratory used by Western institutions to think about the performative value of signs. Finally, we consider, in a critical way, how these philosophical and theological reflections are partially present in Karl Marx’s theory of money, which has many elements in common with Benjamin’s ideas about the same problem. Key words: Benjamin, secularization, capitalism, sacramentum, economic theology. (shrink)

This paper revisits a book I published 20 years ago. Labour’s Utopias – Bolshevism, Fabianism, Social Democracy (Routledge, 1992) began from the proposition that utopia was a ubiquitous figure in Western political and social thinking. On the Left the common sense has often been that reform and revolution are but different proposed roads to the same utopian end. Labour’s Utopias shows that this is not the case: Bolshevism, Fabianism and social democracy actually embody different ends. Revisiting the text 20 years (...) later, my sense is that its most interesting and significant weakness lies not in its diagnosis of utopia, but in its failure to differentiate significantly between labour and its intellectual representatives. I hint at the issue of ‘social’ or ‘socialist ventriloquism’, but fail to follow it through. The issue of representation, or claims to representation, remains under-illuminated, as does the possibility that there are significant differences between working-class and middle-class utopias. (shrink)

While there had been much radical thought before John Stuart Mill, Joseph Persky argues it was Mill, as he moved to the left, who provided the radical wing of liberalism with its first serious analytical foundation, a political economy of progress that still echoes today. A rereading of Mill's mature work suggests his theoretical understanding of accumulation led him to see laissez-faire capitalism as a transitional system. Deeply committed to the egalitarian precepts of the Enlightenment, Mill advocated gradualism and rejected (...) revolutionary expropriation on utilitarian grounds: gradualism, not expropriation, promised meaningful long-term gains for the working classes. He endorsed laissez-faire capitalism because his theory of accumulation saw that system approaching a stationary state characterized by a great reduction in inequality and an expansion of cooperative production. These tendencies, in combination with an aggressive reform agenda made possible by the extension of the franchise, promised to provide a material base for social progress and individual development.The Political Economy of Progress goes on to claim that Mill's radical political economy anticipated more than a little of Marx's analysis of capitalism and laid a foundation for the work of Fabians and other gradualist radicals in the 20th century. More recently, modern philosophic radicals, such as Rawls, have deep links to this Millean political economy. These links are still worthy of development. In particular, a politically meaningful acceptance of Rawls's radical liberalism waits on a movement capable of re-engineering the workplace in a manner consistent with Mill's endorsement of worker management. (shrink)

Seit ihrer Entstehung ging es der kritischen Theorie in ihren unterschiedlichen Ausführungen stets darum, die bestehende Gesellschaft mit ihren normativen Ordnungen zu kritisieren. Dabei differenzierten sich die unterschiedlichen Formen der kritischen Theorie hinsichtlich verschiedener Aspekte aus: Wurde die kapitalistische Gesellschaft in der frühen kritischen Theorie ausgehend von Hegel und Marx vor allem in ihrer Produktionsweise kritisiert, so rückten später die in ihr wirksamen Verständigungs- und Anerkennungsverhältnisse in den Vordergrund. Mit der Veränderung des Gegenstandsbereichs veränderten sich jedoch auch die normativen (...) Maßstäbe der Kritik, wodurch die Frage nach den Gründen, aus denen Kritik geübt wird, für das Selbstverständnis der kritischen Theorie eine bedeutende Rolle spielt. -/- Der vorliegende Band geht den unterschiedlichen Begründungsformen von Kritik nach, die sich in klassischen und gegenwärtigen kritischen Theorien finden lassen. Dabei werden sowohl zu klassischen Positionen der Frankfurter Schule (Adorno, Habermas, Honneth), zu Reaktualisierungen kantianischer, hegelianischer und marxistischer Theorien als auch zu aktuellen Ansätzen des Critical Realism und des Perfektionismus Beiträge geliefert. Der Leser findet einen differenzierten Überblick über die unterschiedlichen Begründungsstrategien kritischer Theorien und erfährt, inwiefern die kritische Theorie einen unverzichtbaren Beitrag zur Philosophie und Gesellschaftstheorie der Gegenwart darstellt. -/- Mit Beiträgen von Peggy Breitenstein, Hauke Brunkhorst, Volkan Cidam, Fabian Freyenhagen, Christoph Henning, Steffen Herrmann, Philip Hogh, Hannes Kuch, Frank Kuhne, Christine Kirchhoff, Johanna Müller, Stefan Müller-Doohm, Hartmut Rosa. (shrink)

Kant, bir 18. yüzyıl filozofu olmasına karşın, görüşleri kendi döneminde olduğu kadar sonraki yüzyıllarda da yankı uyandırmış ve birçok kişiye ilham kaynağı olmuştur. Kant’ın ahlak felsefesi üzerinden yürüttüğü tartışmalar, onun siyaset felsefesi de dahil olmak üzere tüm felsefesinin mihverini oluşturmuştur. Kant’ın birey odaklı felsefesi, bir yandan liberal ideolojinin takipçileri arasında tartışma konusu olurken, diğer yandan da 19. yüzyılın ikinci yarısından itibaren sosyal demokratlar arasında tartışmalara konu olmuştur. Almanya’da Lassalle’le başlayan bu tartışmalar, Fabian Hareketi’yle sürmüş ve Bernstein’le doruk noktasına ulaşmıştır. (...) Bu hareketler, Ortodoks Marksizmden koptukça daha etik merkezli bir noktaya evrilmiş ve adeta neo-Kantçı bir projeye dönüşmüştür. Bu dönüşümü besleyen ve sosyal demokrat revizyonizmin temellerini oluşturan tartışmaysa Bernstein ve Kautsky arasında yaşanmıştır. Kant ve Marx’ın ahlak anlayışlarını mevcut toplum üzerinden tartışan ikili, buradan sosyal demokrasiye bir gelecek planı, iktidar stratejisi ve toplum tahayyülü de çıkarmak için çabalamışlardır. Bir yandan daha muğlak bir ahlak tanımı olan Marx’ın ve dolayısıyla Marksizmin ahlak görüşleri iki tarafından yorumlanırken, diğer yandan da Kant’ın ahlak anlayışının sosyal demokrasideki rolünün ne olması gerektiği tartışılmıştır. Bu bağlamda bu çalışma, öncelikle Kantçı ve Marksist ahlak anlayışlarını karşılaştırarak birbirinden ayrıldığı noktaları gözler önüne sermiştir. İkinci olarak bu çalışmada, sosyal demokrasinin hangi alanlarda Kantçı felsefeyi takip ettiği, Lassalle, Fabiancı Hareket, Kautsky ve Bernstein’in görüşleri tartışılmıştır. (shrink)

This chapter serves as an introduction to the collected volume. In the first section, we aim to provide background on important themes in social egalitarianism and to set the context for understanding which significant questions the chapters in this book pose and attempt to answer. In this section we focus especially on what could be said to characterize socially egalitarian relationships, on which relationships are of concern, and on what might make social egalitarianism distinct. In the second section, we provide (...) a brief explanation of the structure of the book and each of its chapters. (shrink)

Habermas and Rawls are two heavyweights of social and political philosophy, and they are undoubtedly the two most written about authors in this field. However, there has not been much informed and interesting work on the points of intersection between their projects, partly because their work comes from different traditions—roughly the European tradition of social and political theory and the Anglo-American analytic tradition of political philosophy. In this volume, contributors re-examine the Habermas-Rawls dispute with an eye toward the ways in (...) which the dispute can cast light on current controversies about political philosophy more broadly. Moreover, the volume will cover a number of other salient issues on which Habermas and Rawls have interesting and divergent views, such as the political role of religion and international justice. (shrink)

Objective. To determine the effectiveness of the "I take care of myself" program for self-care in schoolchildren. Methods. Quasi-experimental study with a single pre-post test group, with the participation of 120 sixth grade students of the primary level of the Educational Institution of San Pedro - Huánuco, Peru 2022, in which the "I take care of myself" Program was applied. The data collection instrument was the self-care practices scale. In the hypothesis test, the Wilcoxon statistical test was used. Results. It (...) was found that the average score obtained in self-care before the application of the "I take care of myself" program was 3.7, and after this it was 4.0, finding significant differences in the pretest and posttest with p≤0.000. Likewise, there were significant differences in the dimensions of self-care such as practices related to universal self-care requirements, practices related to development self-care requirements, and practices related to self-care requirements in case of health deviation, all with p≤0.05. Conclusions. There are significant differences in self-care after applying the "I take care of myself" program in schoolchildren of the Educational Institution of San Pedro - Huánuco. (shrink)

Methodology is often a point of contention in gender-based salary studies. Although this debate seems at first to be merely about technical issues, it also has an important conceptual dimension. We argue that there are two competing implicit conceptions of discrimination, one institutional and the other individual, that underlie many such debates. We first contrast the preferred methodologies advanced by each side, the policy capturing approach and the flagging approach, and explore the theoretical meaning of their statistical models. We then (...) describe a practical application of both methodological approaches in one specific salary inequity study. In conclusion, we reflect on the implications of such practical statistical choices, discuss how such models can be combined, and make suggestions for sociologists who act as statistical experts or work with them in gender-based salary inequity studies on their own campuses. (shrink)

Based on in-depth interviews with policymakers and archival data, we examine the policy debates over court reform in family law and criminal law in Chile after the democratic transition. We introduce the concept of “gendered expertise” to capture the set of competences and claims organized around perceived gender differences and mobilized through gendered networks that we found in these debates. We show how gender structured and valorized lawyers’ expertise and shaped the differing outcomes in these two reforms. In the power (...) struggles among law reformers, both men and women lawyers used gendered expertise as a resource for characterizing themselves and their opponents. In the end, criminal law reform not only received far more political and economic support for its implementation than any other Chilean judicial reform, but defined the appropriate political reforms in relation to gendered meanings of law and political reconciliation. (shrink)

Domesticated animals need to be treated as fellow citizens: only if we conceive of domesticated animals as full members of our political communities can we do justice to their moral standing—or so Sue Donaldson and Will Kymlicka argue in their widely discussed book Zoopolis. In this contribution, we pursue two objectives. Firstly, we reject Donaldson and Kymlicka’s appeal for animal citizenship. We do so by submitting that instead of paying due heed to their moral status, regarding animals as citizens misinterprets (...) their moral qualities and thus risks treating them unjustly. Secondly, we suggest that Donaldson and Kymlicka’s reinforced focus on membership should draw our attention to the moral standing of a further ‘species’, namely robots. Developments within artificial intelligence have advanced rapidly in recent years. With robots’ gaining ever greater capacities and abilities, we need to ask urgent questions about the moral ramifications of these technical advances. (shrink)

The Boston Colloquium for the Philosophy of Science began 2S years ago as an interdisciplinary, interuniversity collaboration of friends and colleagues in philosophy, logic, the natural sciences and the social sciences, psychology, religious studies, arts and literature, and often the celebrated man-in-the street. Boston University came to be the home base. Within a few years, pro ceedings were seen to be candidates for publication, first suggested by Gerald Holton for the journal Synthese within the Synthese Library, both from the D. (...) Reidel Publishing Company of Dordrecht, then and now in Boston and Lancaster too. Our colloquium was inheritor of the Institute for the Unity of Science, itself the American transplant of the Vienna Circle, and we were repeatedly honored by encouragement and participation of the Institute's central figure, Philipp Frank. The proceedings were selected, edited, revised in the light of the discussions at our colloquia, and then other volumes were added which were derived from other symposia, in Boston or elsewhere. A friendly autonomy, in dependent of the Synthese Library proper, existed for more than a decade and then the Boston Studies became fully separate. We were grateful to Jaakko Hintikka for his continued encouragement within that Library. The series Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science was conceived in the broadest framework of interdisciplinary and international concerns. Natural scientists, mathematicians, social scientists and philosophers have contributed to the series, as have historians and sociologists of science, linguists, psychologists, physicians, and literary critics. (shrink)

El presente estudio hace referencia a los efectos emocionales ocasionados por el COVID-19. La humanidad vivió una situación sin igual en el año 2020, conllevándola a la concentración mundial y al despliegue de acciones que pudieran mitigar a todos los efectos sanitarios ocasionados por un virus de concentración mundial, como fue el llevar al confinamiento a la mayoría de la población humana, pero descuidándose los efectos emocionales del mismo, es por ello que adelantaremos un análisis sobre el concepto del miedo, (...) desde los postulados del pensador griego Aristóteles, como punto de partida para apreciar el actual entorno pandémico y su capacidad para generar situaciones de concentración y distractoras en relación a la verdad, teniendo en cuenta que el temor puede llegar a servir como un instrumento distractor de las certezas. (shrink)

This article explores the relationship between theory and praxis by contrasting three different models of intellectual endeavor: totalizing, particular and decolonial. Attending to the critique that Gayatri Spivak raised against Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze in Can the Subaltern Speak?, this article advocates a dramaturgical reading of texts as a model for political theory to address subaltern agency. It reads such agency in the smile that Pier Paolo Pasolini registers in his 1967 film version of Sophocles’ play, Oedipus Tyrannos. Dramaturgically (...) read, Oedipus reveals another text, the tragic history of a yet insufficiently explored democratic alternative that goes against the established democracy and its complicity with inequality in the continued naturalization of slavery despite its foundation in equality. This subtext demands understanding Oedipus as a political production from the speechless agency of dissident servants, a more subversive aspect of democratic politics. (shrink)

This contribution presents for the first time in critical edition two early speeches written by Reinhold. Reinhold wrote them in 1783 to be delivered during meetings of the Viennese Masonic Lodge “Zur wahren Eintracht” (To True Harmony) of which he was a member. The first, “Über die Kunst des Lebens zu genüssen” (On the art of enjoying life), discusses the best way for Masons to wisely deal with the joys and pains of life. In the second, “Der Werth einer Gesellschaft (...) hängt von der Beschaffenheit ihrer Glieder ab” (The worth of a society depends on the disposition of its members), Reinhold discusses the nature of the Masonic society from an Illuminatist point of view. This second speech is especially relevant with regard to Reinhold’s views on the Enlightenment and his later reception of Kant. (shrink)

Since its founding in 1943, Medievalia et Humanistica has won worldwide recognition as the first scholarly publication in America to devote itself entirely to medieval and Renaissance studies. Since 1970, a new series, sponsored by the Modern Language Association of America and edited by an international board of distinguished scholars and critics, has published interdisciplinary articles. In yearly hardbound volumes, the new series publishes significant scholarship, criticism, and reviews treating all facets of medieval and Renaissance culture: history, art, literature, music, (...) science, law, economics, and philosophy. (shrink)

The size and distance of an object are crucial pieces of information that every human being processes from an early age (see, e.g., Day & McKenzie, 1981; Granrud, 2006). For infants, the distance o...

TikTok ha emergido como una plataforma dominante para la creación y difusión de contenido en redes sociales, cautivando a millones de usuarios, especialmente jóvenes. En este contexto, los políticos han empezado a utilizar TikTok para construir y proyectar su imagen pública, buscando acercarse a la ciudadanía de manera más directa y moderna, identificando las dinámicas, percepciones y efectos que esta plataforma genera en el comportamiento cívico y en la interacción de los ciudadanos con los líderes políticos locales. La presente investigación (...) analiza las estrategias digitales que emplean políticos cuencanos en la red social TikTok para convertir su cuenta en un canal de comunicación sólido y atrayente. La metodología que se empleó en la investigación fue mixta y de tipo relacional y corte transversal, ya que recopiló datos de una población o muestra en un tiempo concreto. Los resultados obtenidos evidenciaron de cómo el uso de la imagen política en la red social TikTok impacta en la participación ciudadana en Cuenca, Ecuador. En conclusión, la estrategia digital empleada por políticos de Cuenca en sus cuentas de TikTok posibilita el crecimiento de su audiencia y el posicionamiento de su marca personal. (shrink)

This edition of McLellan's comprehensive selection of Marx's writings includes carefully selected extracts from the whole range of Marx's most important pieces alongside a fully revised and updated bibliography and editorial commentary on each document. New editorial introductions to each section of the book provide the reader with the background and context of Marx's writing in each period. Essential reading for anyone wishing for a detailed overview of Marx's political philosophy.

Philip Pettit’s republican conception of freedom is presented as an alternative both to negative and positive conceptions of freedom. The basic idea is to conceptualize freedom as non-domination, not as non-interference or self-mastery. When compared to negative freedom, Pettit’s republican conception comprises two controversial claims: the claim that we are unfree if we are dominated without actual interference, and the claim that we are free if we face interference without domination. Because the slave is a widely accepted paradigm of the (...) unfree person, the case of a slave with a non-interfering master is often cited as providing a good argument for the first republican claim and against a negative conception of freedom. One aim of this article is to raise doubts about whether this is true. The other aim of the article is to show that the prisoner—also a paradigm of the unfree person—presents a good argument against the second republican claim and in favour of a negative conception of freedom. This is called the ‘prisoner-argument’. It will be argued that neither Pettit’s distinction between free persons and free choices nor his distinction between compromising and conditioning factors of freedom can help to rebut the charge of the prisoner-argument. (shrink)