Jacques Derrida: Law as Absolute Hospitalityãeepresents a comprehensive account and understanding of Derridaâe(tm)s approach to law and justice. Through a detailed reading of Derridaâe(tm)s texts, Jacques de Ville contends that it is only by way of Derrida's deconstruction of the metaphysics of presence, and specifically in relation to the texts of Husserl, Levinas, Freud and Heidegger - that the reasoning behind his elusive works on law and justice can be grasped. Through detailed readings of texts such as (...) To speculate âe" on Freud, Adieu, Declarations of Independence, Before the Law, Cogito and the history of madness, Given Time, Force of Law and Specters of Marx, De Ville contends that there is a continuity in Derridaâe(tm)s thinking, and rejects the idea of an âe~ethical turnâe(tm). Derrida is shown to be neither a postmodernist nor a political liberal, but a radical revolutionary. De Ville also controversially contends that justice in Derridaâe(tm)s thinking must be radically distinguished from Levinasâe(tm)s reflections on âe~the otherâe(tm). It is the notion of absolute hospitality - which Derrida derives from Levinas, but radically transforms - that provides the basis of this argument. Justice must on De Villeâe(tm)s reading be understood in terms of a demand of absolute hospitality which is imposed on both the individual and the collective subject. A much needed account of Derrida's influential approach to law,ãeeJacques Derrida: Law as Absolute Hospitalityãeewill be an invaluable resource for those with an interest in legal theory, and for those with an interest in the ethics and politics of deconstruction. (shrink)

The concept of the political -- Constituent power -- Identity and representation -- The concept of the constitution -- Human rights -- State, Grossraum, nomos.

Kant’s 1795 essay on perpetual peace has been lauded as one of his most important and influential political texts as well as one of the most important texts on peace. Kant’s text was largely forgotten until the 1980s and 1990s, with numerous commentaries appearing around the time of its 200 years existence. The French philosopher Jacques Derrida’s interest in Kant’s text appears to have arisen around the same time, and his analyses of this text continued after the turn of (...) the century. The references to Kant’s essay in Derrida’s texts appear mostly in the context of a discussion of the concept of hospitality. The latter concept is understood by Derrida as including both a demand for absolute hospitality, that is, hospitality without the imposition of any limitations, as well as a demand, in the interests of survival, for such limitations or conditions. A negotiation between these dimensions of hospitality is ultimately required. The aim of this article is to elucidate Derrida’s analysis of Kant’s essay, specifically his recasting of the concept of peace as absolute hospitality, as well as to briefly outline its implications for international and cosmopolitan law. (shrink)

This essay shows how Derrida, in a variety of texts, engages directly or indirectly with the Kantian moral law, which rests on the assumption of man's autonomy vis-à-vis his natural inclinations. In the background of this analysis is Derrida's engagement with Freud, the latter having argued that the Kantian moral law is located in, and can be equated with, the superego. Derrida challenges Freud's assignation of the moral law (solely) to the superego, and suggests that what appears to Kant as (...) the moral law and to Freud as the demands of the superego, already involve a limitation of a much more radical demand on the self: that of absolute sacrifice, and which one can understand with reference to Freud's death drive. This demand can be referred to as the law of law, that is, the law which makes of the moral law a law. Within this broader framework, the essay explores in detail Derrida's reading of Kant's notion of respect that is owed to the moral law, the notion of duty, and the formulation of the categorical imperative by Kant in terms of an ‘as if’. (shrink)

Investigates, by way of Derrida's engagements with Kant, how the foundations of modern constitutionalism can be differently conceived to address some of the challenges of the twenty-first century.

In this article the author explores Jacques Derrida’s reading in The Purveyor of Truth of Edgar Allan Poe’s The Purloined Letter. In his essay, Derrida proposes a reading which differs markedly from the interpretation proposed by Lacan in his Seminar on ‘The Purloined Letter’. To appreciate Derrida’s reading, which is not hermeneutic-semantic in nature like that of Lacan, it is necessary to look at the relation of Derrida’s essay to his other texts on psychoanalysis, more specifically insofar as the (...) Freudian death drive is concerned. The present article explores this ‘notion’ as elaborated on by Freud in Beyond the Pleasure Principle as well as Derrida’s reading of this text. It also investigates the importance of the ‘notion’ of the death drive as well as the significance of Derrida’s reading of The Purloined Letter for constitutional interpretation. (shrink)

Derrida’s recently published Life Death seminars have again highlighted the importance of values within the ongoing philosophical conversation about overcoming metaphysics. The seminars further indirectly raise a matter of great importance for constitutional theory. Values have become central to constitutional discourse since the mid-twentieth century despite critique due to their supposedly subjective nature, the potential conflict between them, and the legal uncertainty that they bring about. This essay enquires into the origin, logic, structure, and operation of (constitutional) values. It does (...) so through a close reading of the texts of Heidegger and Derrida in which Nietzsche’s call for a revaluation of values takes on a central role, along with a reflection on the relation between life and Being, as well as between life and death. A close reading of these texts in turn makes possible an unorthodox reading of Schmitt’s newly translated text on constitutional values in The Tyranny of Values, which finally opens the possibility of a move beyond such values and thus beyond metaphysics. (shrink)

This essay enquires into the implications for criminal law of Derrida’s analysis in the Death Penalty seminars. The seminars include a reading of Kant’s Metaphysics of Morals, specifically Kant’s reflections on the sovereign right to punish, which is read in conjunction with the reflections of Freud and Reik on the relation between the unconscious and crime, as well as Nietzsche’s reflections on morality, punishment and cruelty. What comes to the fore in Derrida’s analysis is a system of economic exchange operating (...) on an unconscious level, of which criminal law forms an intrinsic part. Derrida’s analysis of the ‘origin’ of crime in the seminars poses serious questions to the assumption of freedom underlying modern criminal law. The link, which he posits between punishment and political theology, likewise challenges the existing theories and forms of punishment. What the seminars call for, in the name of the Kantian Enlightenment, is a radical break with economic circularity as it operates in respect of crime and punishment. (shrink)

In Verfassungslehre, Carl Schmitt spells out the radical implications of his own analysis in Der Begriff des Politischen of the concept of the political. He argues in this respect that the political component of modern constitutions, which is suppressed by liberal thinking through its privilege of the rule of law, is the most important component of these constitutions. The political component refers essentially to the form of the political unity of a people. In showing the priority of the political component, (...) Schmitt inter alia insists on drawing a distinction between the constitution and constitutional laws, the resurrection of the concept of sovereignty, understanding equality as first of all and necessarily implying an inequality in respect of those who are excluded from the political unity, and on the subjection of freedom to the political component of the constitution. What would the implications be for constitutional theory if one were to take seriously Derrida’s deconstruction of Schmitt’s concept of the political in Politiques de l’amitié? This essay takes the first tentative steps in this direction, by exploring in detail Derrida’s analysis as well as the new structure of the political that comes to the fore in this text. (shrink)

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In this essay, one of Derrida’s early texts, Plato’s pharmacy, is analysed in detail, more specifically in relation to its reflections on writing and its relation to law. This analysis takes place with reference to a number of Derrida’s other texts, in particular those on Freud. It is especially Freud’s texts on dream interpretation and on the dream-work which are of assistance in understanding the background to Derrida’s analysis of writing in Plato’s pharmacy. The essay shows the close relation between (...) Derrida’s analysis of Plato’s texts and Freud’s study of the dream-work. The forces at work in dreams, it appears, are at play in all texts, which in turn explains Derrida’s contentions in relation to the pharmakon as providing the condition of possibility of Plato’s texts. The essay furthermore points to the continuity between this ‘early’ text of Derrida and his ‘later’, seemingly more politico-legal texts of the 1990s. A close reading of Plato’s pharmacy, with its investigation via ‘writing’ of the foundations of metaphysics, and thus also of the Western concept of law, is obligatory should one wish to comprehend how Derrida attempts to exceed the restricted economy of metaphysics through his analysis of concepts such as justice and hospitality. (shrink)

Michel Foucault provides a radical challenge to the liberal approach to power and law, which is echoed by Jacques Derrida. Important differences exist between the analyses of Foucault and Derrida which should not be overlooked. This essay proceeds on the basis of an awareness of these differences, yet it at the same time attempts to bring these thinkers closer together, with reference specifically to the thinking of Freud. It is often said that Foucault does not offer an alternative to (...) that which he criticises or that his analyses do not provide for a way in which to escape from the effects of power. By specifically focusing on Foucault’s reliance on the notion of ‘play’ in Society must be defended, it is submitted that an ‘escape’ is in fact provided for. The deconstructive reading of Foucault which is presented here attempts to ensure that Foucault does not remain trapped within metaphysics. (shrink)

Beyrouth, « ville phénix », est fiévreuse ; à nouveau menacée par la guerre civile, elle se précipite dans toutes les passions. Alors qu’elle lutte pour fluidifier les trafics qui l’étranglent, ici ou là, elle s’enferme dans des villages communautaires. Des lignes de démarcation demeurent actives tandis qu’elle ne cesse de se reconstruire et d’effacer son histoire.Beirut, the “phoenix city”, is in the grip of fever; under the renewed threat of civil war, it is plunging headlong into passions of (...) every kind. Even as it battles to dissolve the various traffic bottlenecks that threaten to strangle it, its different communities are closing in on themselves. As it ceaselessly struggles to rebuild itself and erase its own history, its lines of demarcation have remained as persistent as ever. (shrink)

Pourquoi les oiseaux chantent-ils, le paon se pavane-t-il? Pourquoi le lion ou le tigre ont-ils une livrée aussi somptueuse? Mais aussi : pourquoi édifie-t-on des monuments sur les places publiques de nos villes? Pourquoi les hommes ressentaient-ils jadis le besoin de s'exhiber en uniformes rutilants sur les champs de bataille? Pourquoi les objets d'usage courant ont-ils le plus souvent été ornementés? Bref, pourquoi cet étalage de formes? A ces questions, on répond le plus souvent par diverses explications utilitaires et fonctionnelles (...) : la vie animale comme la vie humaine seraient régies en dernière instance par l'exigence de la survie et de la conservation. Or un examen sans préjugés montre que le principe d'utilité n'a qu'une validité limitée. Pour des fins purement utilitaires, des moyens réduits auraient largement suffi. Il est donc nécessaire, par fidélité au réel, d'élaborer un horizon élargi où ces laissés-pour-compte éclatants puissent devenir intelligibles sans cesser d'être partiellement énigmatiques. Et s'il y avait, chez l'homme comme dans la vie animale et végétale, une tendance à manifester ce que l'on est, à paraître au lieu de simplement être? La réflexion sur l'apparaître menée dans cet ouvrage a une analogie profonde avec celle qui s'interroge sur le cycle du donner-recevoir-rendre. Car l'une comme l'autre montrent que les formes sociales comme les formes naturelles, comportent une dimension de gratuité et de contingence qui excède tout principe de nécessité et d'utilité. Même si l'on peut s'apercevoir ensuite qu'il existe quelque chose comme une utilité de l'inutile. (shrink)

Dans l'"Avis des éditeurs", on explique en quoi consiste l'intérêt particulier de ce recueil de lettres privées, non destinées à la publication. En plus, on apprend les circonstances grâce auxquelles une partie importante des papiers de Rousseau est entrée à la Bibliothèque de la ville (actuelle Bibliothèque publique et universitaire) de Neuchâtel: "J'entends que tous les papiers manuscrits de Jean-Jacques Rousseau [...] soient recueillis et rassemblées en paquets étiquetés et cachetés, pour être déposés dans une bibliothèque publique bien (...) assurée. Les lettres adressées à moi seront également déposées [...]" (extrait du testament de Pierre-Alexandre Du Peyrou du 22 juillet 1791. "Avis..." p. 16 s.). (shrink)

La mendicité, un phénomène très ancien, a connu au fil du temps une évolution et a pris des formes très diverses. Plusieurs études ont été menées sur la mendicité. Celles-ci ont présenté la mendicité comme un phénomène religieux et aussi comme un moyen de survie. Abidjan, la capitale économique de la Côte d’Ivoire n’est pas exempte de ce phénomène. Au-delà des mendiants ordinaires, cette ville connaît une catégorie de mendiantes dont des balayeuses de rue qui suscitent l’intérêt de cette (...) étude. Leur particularité est qu’elles sont des employées d’une entreprise de ramassage d’ordures ménagères. Elles sont donc des salariées. Ainsi, se pose la question du sens de leur mendicité. L’objectif de cette étude est de comprendre le sens de la mendicité pratiquée par ces employées. Les analyses nous montrent que la mendicité apparaît comme un moyen de pression ou de revendication dans un conflit entre employeur et employés. (shrink)

En 1743-1744, Jean-Jacques Rousseau servit comme secrétaire de l’ambassadeur de France à Venise. Le récit qu’il donne de ce séjour dans les Confessions mentionne les « célèbres amusements de cette ville », mais ces descriptions ne doivent pas cacher l’essentiel : « on était en guerre ». De son bureau de la Sérénissime République, Rousseau perçoit les échos des batailles et des négociations de la Guerre de Succession d’Autriche. Touchant aux questions des formes de gouvernement et des relations (...) internationales, les Dépêches de Venise peuvent se lire comme une initiation à l’art politique. (shrink)

This paper argues that though Derrida is correct to bring to the fore the undecidability that is contained in his political notion of the democracy to come, his account does not extend the aporia of undecidable politics far enough. Derrida himself makes evident this gap. Though politics may be structured with undecidability, there are times when direct, decisive and definitive political interventions are required. In his campaign against capital punishment, the blitzing campaigns in Bosnia and Iraq, and in his call (...) for les villes-refuges, Derrida makes decisive appeals which somehow seem to contradict the undecidability he sees as arch-structuring. Alain Badiou’s thinking about time as a subjective, decisive intervention executed within his ontological framework of undecidability and multiplicity can serve to extend the aporia of undecidability inherent in politics, ultimately giving an account for both the undecidability that structures politics and the decisive timely interventions that would seem to contradict Derridean undecidability. (shrink)

La biographie historique est un genre depuis longtemps à la mode, tantôt méprisé, tantôt remis à l’honneur par les historiens. Le pari biographique de J. Dalarun se doublait du choix d’un héros méconnu : une femme d’abord, pénitente d’une ville moyenne des Marches, Rimini, à une époque, la première moitié du xive siècle, où son choix de vie n’a ni le prestige de la nouveauté (d’autres femmes, souvent rappelées par l’auteur, l’ont précédée dans cette voie), ni la sécurité de (...) l’approbation hiér... (shrink)

Pour les Anciens, l’effet de l’air sur la santé allait de soi. L’air était tenu pour la principale cause de maladie, soit par sa variation saisonnière (chaque saison ayant ses maladies propres), soit par sa nocivité intrinsèque (par exemple près de marais). On attribuait notamment à l’air les épidémies, les symptômes semblables de nombreux malades s’expliquant mieux par l’air nous entourant que par des facteurs individuels comme le régime ou l’exercice. La thérapeutique antique consistait donc souvent à compenser les effets (...) de l’air pour ajuster l’équilibre entre le corps et l’environnement. On trouve aussi de riches réflexions sur la prévention, notamment dans le domaine de l’agronomie et de l’architecture : si la stratégie principale au moment d’établir une ferme ou une nouvelle ville était d’éviter un site à l’air malsain, certaines méthodes étaient aussi proposées pour améliorer la qualité de l’air et permettre d’intégrer les installations humaines à un environnement nocif. (shrink)

Recent scholarship on Jacques Derrida’s work has turned toward his political and institutional engagements. I further this body of research by outlining a twofold problematic regarding the issue of “parliament.” Its first dimension concerns what I call a poli-technic of lying, which denotes that politically impactful techniques of lying demand we follow the lacunae of the polis, the phenomenality of an international public sphere and technologies of public circulation, and the relationship between the construction of categories of “peoples,” “nations,” (...) “borders,” and their “authorities” with practices of force or violence. In the following, I consider Derrida’s relation to the International Parliament of Writers (IPW) as a supplementary institution from which examination of this problematic might be situated in light of alternative traditions predicated on hospitality, and on sheltering the other as a practice inextricable from a “frank concept of truth.” I also consider the emergent possibilities this approach opens for responding to immediate conditions – attacks on the lives of writers around the world, accelerating global displacement, intensifying border closures, and unchecked police enforcement. I look toward the political unit Derrida identifies as crucial for these actions: the city as a space for frank and open speech – the ville franche. (shrink)

"La célébration du tricentenaire de la naissance de Jean-Jacques Rousseau a donné lieu, en 2012, à un foisonnement d'initiatives, particulièrement à Genève, sa ville natale. L'une d'elles fut le colloque "Rousseau, la République, la paix", répondant à l'appel à projets de la Ville de Genève sous l'enseigne "2012, Rousseau pour tous". Cet ouvrage se propose à la fois d'examiner ce que pouvait signifier l'opposition de Rousseau à une certaine forme de cosmopolitisme et d'interroger le sens d'un républicanisme (...) basé sur le patriotisme défensif. Il s'efforce également de mettre en lumière l'actualité de ce positionnement républicain original à l'heure du dépassement annoncé des nations et de la recherche d'une citoyenneté européenne. Réunissant les contributions d'universitaires d'horizons disciplinaires et géographiques variés, ainsi que de trois acteurs politiques, suisses et français, témoignant de la force inspiratrice de Rousseau pour leur action publique, ce livre collectif confirme la nécessité de poser en termes moins convenus les interrogations relatives à la République et à la paix aujourd'hui, et l'importance que peut avoir l'oeuvre de Rousseau dans ce questionnement."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Collective Violence, Sacrifice, and Conflict Resolution in the Works of Paul Claudel Christopher G. Flood University ofSurrey, England Claudel's career as a writer spanned almost seventy years, from the 1880s to the 1950s. The publication of his collected works now runs to twenty-nine large volumes, excluding his correspondence and diaries, so a brief overview of any particular dimension of his writing must necessarily be reductive. On the other hand, (...) Claudel's work lends itself particularly well to discussion in terms of the relationship between violence, sacrifice and religion. In a valuable study published more than twenty years ago under the title, Claudel et l'usurpateur, Jacques Petit drew attention to the recurrence in Claudel's plays, and in many of his non- fictional writings, of a narrative structure hinging on acts of usurpation and counter-usurpation. There is a pattern of conflictual rivalry, domination and coercion, whereby acts of aggression are ultimately legitimized, or in some sense excused, in the light of a positive outcome, providential necessity and/or reconciliation between usurper and victim. Claudel's world is indeed "a world of violence," as Petit puts it (79, ch. title).1 It is also a world ofreligion: after his return to the Catholic Church in 1890, all of Claudel's major dramatic works intermesh the process of usurpation with themes deriving from his religious beliefs, and the same is true of many of his non-fictional writings. My aim is not to reinvent the wheel by going back over all of the terrain mapped out by Petit. Nor do I intend to rework Petit's empirical model wholesale in the light of René Girard's anthropological model of mimetic desire and sacrificial violence, although there are obvious areas of convergence between them. However, I shall draw implicitly on both, in order to Translations throughout this paper are my own. 160Christopher G. Flood argue that the notion of sacrifice, which is central to the resolution of rivalries in Claudel's major plays, is transformed into an idiosyncratic conception of international conflict resolution in various non-fictional writings which emerge from his forty years of experience in his parallel career as a profes sional diplomat.2 1 shall start with a schematic discussion of certain features of the plays. The first point relates to Claudel's assumptions concerning the mechanisms involved in the outbreak of individual or collective violence. It needs to be emphasized that in his plays the path towards violence is always opened by a withdrawal or weakening of temporal and/or spiritual authority. This allows the crystallization, and the direct expression, of latent rivalries which eventually lead to an explosion of aggression. The causes of the violence invariably center on the fact that one individual or group is in possession of an object which is coveted by another individual or group. The question of whether Claudel himself appears to recognize a mimetic element in this pattern of behavior would be too complex, and too fraught with imponderables, to discuss here, but there are some indications that he does so. Whatever the case, in the absence of authority, rivalry and jealousy engender verbal, and usually physical conflict, culminating in usurpation of the desired object. Thus, for example, in Tête d'or, the elderly Emperor of the unnamed kingdom has neither the authority nor the resolution to defend his kingdom against external invasion, or against the man who saves the kingdom only to usurp the throne and murder the Emperor himself.3 Similarly, in the second version of La Ville, neither Besme, the positivistic scientist and plutocrat who has created the godless City, nor his brother Lambert, the former politician, has the will to maintain or defend the society against the tensions emerging within it. Thus, the City dissolves first into immobility, then revolution. Or again, in the family drama of La Jeune Fille Violaine (second version), the obsessional rage andjealousy ofMara towards her elder sister, Violaine, explodes into coercion, slander, and horrific violence when their father absents himself from the farm for an indefinite period, leaving Violaine to marry Jacques Hury: the fact that Hury loves Violaine, but does not love Mara, makes the latter all the... (shrink)

The purpose of this article is to show that the emergence and development of psychoanalysis cannot be dissociated from the legal framework within which this discipline is embedded. It shows how the links between heritage, person and identity are at the heart of the problems facing our contemporary societies.

Terrible ethics -- The ethic of terror -- Phares; or, divisible sovereignty -- The logic of sovereignty -- A Sadean community -- Materia in the critique of autonomy -- Three women, three bombs -- Distracted republic.

Nelson Goodman esperait qu'un jour les philosophes seraient plus connus par le champ de leurs etudes que par les positions qu'ils prennent.

Ce volume est consacré à une interrogation sur la signification des notions de « justice », « droit » et « justification » et à leur corrélation et contextualité culturelles. Étant donné que dans le monde dans lequel nous ...