There is no doubt that custard apple diseases are among the important reasons that destroy the Custard Apple plant and its agricultural crops. This leads to obvious damage to these plants and they become inedible. Discovering these diseases is a good step to provide the appropriate and correct treatment. Determining the treatment with high accuracy depends on the method used to correctly diagnose the disease, expert systems can greatly help in avoiding damage to these plants. The expert system correctly diagnoses (...) Custard Apple disease to make it easier for farmers to find the right treatment based on the appropriate diagnosis. Objectives: A specialized syllable language system was established for the diagnosis of Custard Apple plant disease. (shrink)

Çalışma, Muhammed b. Mustafa el-Alâî’ye (ö. 1234/1818) nispet edilen Şerḥ-i İrâde-i cüzʾiyye risâlesinin ona aidiyeti üzerine yoğunlaşacaktır. Muhammed b. Mustafa el-Alâî’nin kendisine ait olduğunu söylediği ve ona nispet edilen Şerḥ-i İrâde-i cüzʾiyye risâlesi aslında Dâvûd-i Karsî’nin (ö. 1169/1756) Risâle fi’l-iḫtiyârâti’l-cüzʾiyye ve’l-irâdâti’l-ḳalbiyye adlı risâlesinin kısmen değiştirilmiş bir versiyonudur. Alâî, Karsî’nin risâlesinden ihtiyaç duymadığı bazı bağlam ve konuları çıkararak ve gerekli gördüğü bazı başlıkları da Ebû Saîd el-Hâdimî’nin (ö. 1176/1762) el-Berîḳatu’l-maḥmûdiyye eserinden eklemeler yaparak oluşturduğu Şerḥ-i İrâde-i cüzʾiyye risâlesi, içerik açısından (...) dikkate alındığında intihalin en bariz görüldüğü bir eser niteliğindedir. Osmanlı ilim düşüncesi dikkate alındığında irade ve insan fiilleri konusunda büyük bir literatürün ortaya konulduğu ve bu metinlerin konu hakkında belli bir fikrin yerleşmesinde etkisi olduğu bilinmektedir. Belli bir dönemde telif edilen risâlelerin muhteva olarak sonraki risâle ve eserlerin muhtevasını etkilemiş olması ve bu nedenle kısmî tedâhüllerin olması sıkça karşılaşılan bir durumdur. Fakat başkasına ait bir telif üzerinde tikel bir değişiklik yaparak eseri kendisine nispet etmek ilmî olarak kabul edilemez bir durumdur. Araştırmanın konusu olan Alâî’nin risâlesi de ikinci türden bir risâle hüviyetindedir. Risâlenin tamamına yakın bir bölümü Karsî’nin konu hakkındaki risâlesi kısmen değiştirilerek oluşturulmuş ve Dâvûd-i Karsî’ye herhangi bir atıfta bulunulmamıştır. Bu çalışmada amaçlanan ise Alâî’nin kendisine nispet ettiği bu risâlenin aslında Karsî’ye ait olduğunu karşılaştırmalı tablolar üzerinden ortaya koymaktır. Bu bağlamda hem Karsî hem de Alâî’ye ait her iki metin tablolar üzerinden baştan sona kadar karşılaştırılmış; ortak ve farklı noktalar tespit edilerek gösterilmeye çalışılmıştır. Karşılaştırmalar neticesinde risâlenin Karsî’ye aidiyeti kesin şekilde tespit edildiğinden bahsi geçen intihal olgusunun bizzat Alâî tarafından mı, yoksa başka birisi tarafından mı yapıldığı sorusuna dikkat çekilmiştir. Ayrıca Alâî’nin Ebû Saîd el-Hâdimî’den kaynak göstermeden alıntı yaptığı yerler de tespit edilerek metin üzerinde farklı bir renkle gösterilmiştir. Son olarak bütünsel bir bakış imkânı sunması için Alâî’ye ait risâlenin tahkiki de yapılmıştır. Metnin tahkikinde Karsî’nin metninde mevcut olup Alâî’nin metninde olmayan ve anlamı tamamlayan kelimeler ile cümleler köşeli parantez içinde gösterilmiştir. Ayrıca Karsî’nin metninde metin-şerh ayrımı olduğundan Alâî’nin risâlesindeki bu ayrım da tespit edilmiş böylece metin bold ve parantez içinde gösterilirken şerh ise normal yazı stiliyle gösterilmiştir. Çünkü bu metin-şerh ayrımının gösterilmesi, metnin anlaşılması ve bütünlüğü açısından elzem bir durum arz etmektedir. (shrink)

The matter of the soul has been one of the most important and central matters in the history of Islamic science and thought. For the soul constitutes one of the two elements that make up the human being, and the issue of the human being has undoubtedly been one of the most prominent matters in Islamic civilization and has been a major preoccupation for Islamic intellectuals. In this context, the Islamic basin of knowledge and thought has constructed two main definitions (...) of the soul, one based on the Qur’anic teachings and the other inspired by Ancient Greek philosophy. Theologians conceived of the soul as a “subtle body”. Philosophers, on the other hand, conceived it as an “abstract substance”. This dispute between kalām and philosophy over the soul has not only been confined to the physical realm, but has also extended to the eschatological dimension, leading to a polemic that has lasted for centuries. As with many issues in post-classical Islamic thought, the influence of philosophy on this issue has been seen to be greater than that of other traditions. In fact, in the aforementioned period and later on, works on the soul from a theological perspective could not bypass the philosophical perspective. Within this framework, the theological perspective criticized the philosophers because they disagreed with it and especially because one end of the issue extended to the eschatological axis, and found it important to refute their conceptions in this regard. One of the most prominent figures of the aforementioned period, i.e., post-classical Islamic science and thought, was Abū Muhammad Rukn al-Dīn Ubaydallāh b. Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-Samarqandī (d. 701/1301), a member of the Māturīdī and Hanafī sects. Samarqandī wrote many works and treatises on kalām, Qur’anic sciences, tafsīr, fiqh, hadīth, and mysticism. Among the author’s works/risālas/treaties that have reached the present day, there is a work titled “Risālat al-rūḥ” on the humanitarian-nātik (speaking) rational human soul (al-rūh al-nātiq al-insānī). Comprising an introduction and ten chapters, al-Samarqandī used a theological and mystical style, drawing on the teachings of the Qur’ān on the one hand, and partly on rational arguments on the other. The work includes the subject of the soul and the essence of the human being in this context, the definition and essence of the soul, the comparison between the views of the Ahl al-Sunnah and the philosophers in this regard, and the criticisms against the philosophers, the issue of ma‘ād (the end) in eschatology, the thoughts of the Sufis on the soul, the perception of Allah through the saying “Whoever knows himself, knows his Lord”, which the author considered as a hadith, and similar issues. As a mutakallim and following the line of Ahl al-Sunnah, the main problem of al-Samarqandī’s treatise revolves around what should be understood when it comes to “human being”, the nature of the soul, the manner in which ma‘ād will be realized, and his criticisms of philosophers over these issues. Based on our research and studies, it has been observed that the aforementioned treatise has not yet been analyzed and published. Furthermore, two manuscript copies of the treatise in question were found as a result of our investigations. This study covers the critical edition and review of al-Samarqandī’s Risālat al-rūḥ. (shrink)

This study will examine how Dāvūd al-Qarṣī, an 18th-century Ottoman scholar, resolved the paradox between human freewill and God being the creator of everything in his work Risālâh fi’l-ikhtiyārāt al-juzʾiyyah wa’l-irādāt al-qalbiyyah. In addition, in this study, the critical edition and translation of the risālah will also be provided. The treatise which is the subject of the present study is a link in the series of works written under the title of human acts in the Islamic thought tradition regarding al-irādah (...) al-juzʾiyyah, afʿāl al-ʿibād, khalq al-aʿmāl, qaḍā, and qadar. This risālah is one of the rare examples prepared with the method of “mamzūj annotation (sharḥ)”, which is a method in which “text” and “annotation” are intertwined. Qarṣī examines in detail a total of seven views, four of which are famous (mashhūr) and three of which are non-famous, about voluntary acts. Qarṣī interprets the approaches and views of the non-famous sects and includes them in the famous sects and allocates approximately 4/3 of the work to these sects. In the final stage of the work, the author states that the view of Māturīdīs is parallel with the predecessor’s (Salaf) view of “Neither jabr nor tafwīḍ; rather, it is merely a situation between these two approaches.” Qarṣī, who was inspired by Athīrī Maḥmad Afandī (d. 1092/1681), says that voluntary acts come about by the sum of “two powers (qudrat)”, “two wishes (mashīʾat)” and “one taqwīn”. Also, according to this, the first four of them are proximate causes, while the attribute taqwīn is the influencing factor. Qarṣī acts from the meanings of the term action (fiʿl) and the “theory of state (ḥāl)” in order to prove that human beings are true agents (fāʿil) on the one hand and to protect God’s attribute of creation on the other. In fact, the concept of “state (ḥāl)”, used in understanding divine attributes and some ontological issues, was applied to acts by the Māturīdī mutakallim Ṣadr al-Sharīʿa al-Thānī (d. 747/1346). Thus, a doctrine of action was developed, and this doctrine was accepted and used by the later period Māturīdī mutakallims. With reference to Ṣadr al-Sharīʿa, Qarṣī tries to justify the issue based on the meanings of the the term action and the modes of existence of these meanings. He says that action has two implications; one of them is the “infinitive meaning” (al-maʿnā al-maṣdarī) and the other is “the thing that comes with this infinitive meaning (al-ḥāṣıl bi-maṣdar)”. The infinitive meaning of the act constitutes the “non-thing aspect” of the action, and the meaning of the action that is created with the infinitive indicates “the thing aspect” thereof. Thus, because the aspect of the action that is not existentand therefore not a thing is not subject to creation, the agency and responsibility of human beings are grounded. Similarly, Qarṣī maintains that the mashīʾat, which means will, qaṣd and al-irādah al-juzʾiyyah, was not created because its existence in humans is in the form of succession and it is of a state-like (ḥāl) existenceOn this account. Qarṣī manages to preserve both human freewill and the absolute creativity of God due to the non-existent and non-thing aspect of the act on the one hand, and will (irādah), mashīʾat and qaṣd not being subjected to creation on the other. (shrink)

This study discusses the treatise of Jalāl al-Dīn Davvānī (d. 908/1502) named Risāla fī taʻrīf ʻilm. This treatise criticizes a definition of knowledge adopted by some theologians in the late period (mutaʾakhkhirīn). The definition of knowledge at issue consists of three components: Attribution, discernment, no possibility of contradiction. Knowledge is an attribute as a category and with this attribution, a discernment is obtained. As a result of this process knowledge is acquired and there should be no possibility of this knowledge (...) to be inconsistent. Davvānī examines eight possibilities of the definition on knowledge. In each of these eight possibilities a different problems arises. According to Davvānī, the definition mentioned is problematic in all probability. Nonetheless, Davvānī does not propose another definition of knowledge that can replace the definition of knowledge that he criticizes. This article represents the process of reaching the definition of knowledge stated in the history of theological thought. The definitions on knowledge made from the first period (al-mutaqaddimīn) are summarized and the strengths and weaknesses of these definitions are explained. There are two main approaches regarding the nature of knowledge in Islamic thought: According to the first approach pioneered by Fakhr al-Dīn Rāzī (d. 606/1202), absolute knowledge is a priory (badīhī) and undefinable. According to the second one, the nature of absolute knowledge is a posteriori (naẓarī) and definable. The first part of this article includes the definitions and criticisms of knowledge in Islamic thought. The second part discusses the claim of originality. In the second part, Davvānī’s treatise will be evaluated for the first time. According to the conclusion of the treatise, the definition made to find the essence of knowledge is unfounded in all respect. It is important to evaluate the treatise as a reflection of anti-essentialism in the history of Islamic thought. Most contemporary studies do not count this treatise among Davvānī’s works. In the biography book al-Aʿlām written by Khayr al-Dīn al-Ziriklī (d. 1976), Risāla fī taʻrīf ʻilm is counted among the works of Davvānī. In the introduction of more than one manuscript, the work is clearly attributed to Davvānī. As a result of the double-sided research, it has been ensured that the work belongs to Davvānī. However, in other two manuscripts containing the same treatise, the work is shown as belonging to an unknown person named Şāirzāda. But there is no information found about this person. This name seems more like a copyist (mustansıh) than an author. Possibly, such a mistake occurred as a result of confusing the two names. Davvānī’s small volume treatise sheds light on the intellectual atmosphere and level of its period. The definition of knowledge mentioned in the classical theology book of ‘Aḍud al-Dīn al-Ījī (d. 756/1355) called al-Mawāqif is superior to other definitions of knowledge. Instead of this definition of knowledge, which is presented as perfect, Jurjānī (d. 816/1413) preferred the definition of knowledge attributed to al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944) in the Sharḥ al-Mawāqif. This preference has been accepted as an implicit criticism for future generations, including Davvānī. Those who claimed that Jurjānī did not taken a random choice, carried on their criticism by going over the definition. The fine craftsmanship revealed in the treatise reveals that critical thinking is used intensively. The properly understanding of the treatise depends on knowing the science of logic and following it with intense attention. The definition of knowledge is examined from various angles with the help of concepts such as conception, ratification, judgment and contradiction (nakz) of the science of logic. In the science of logic, every layer of knowledge such as certainty, conjecture, imitation, doubt is investigated one by one. In the science of kalām, attention is paid that the ideal level of knowledge is precise. An uncertain knowledge is not considered knowledge according to kalām. Because the main goal of theologians is to build religious beliefs on the obtained certain knowledge. It is not accepted to base knowledge to a probable information on imprecise knowledge. For a knowledge among the knowns to reach the level of certainty, it must be correct and exclude other possibilities. Another condition is required for certainty in the definition of knowledge that Davvānī examines in his treatise is that the opposite is wrong. The fact that a piece of information is considered true depends on the fact that its reverse is false. In this treatise, it is discussed how to look for the contradictions or discrepancy that are wanted to be excluded. Knowledge is inseparable from the human mind, from outside of the world, or from the relationship between the two. (shrink)

The text of “The Four Premises” (Muqaddimāt al-Arba‘a), which began with Sadr al-Sharī‘ah (d. 747/1346), centralizes on the actions of human beings by connecting it with the problem of good and evil in the field of kalām, Islamic philosophy and logic, and fıqh. It was also commented in with incisive and critical footness by Sa‘d al-Dīn al-Taftāzānī (d. 791/1390). In Ĥāshiya ‘alā Muqaddimāt al-Arba‘a, al-Kastalī (d. 901/1496) discusses the two main issues. One of them is good/husn-evil/qubh, the other is human (...) actions. Good-evil dichotomy here is axiological, whereas the human actions are examined within an ontological structure. The quest for the origin of moral values is a husn-qubh debate. Identifying the hierarchy of human actions in ontology is another problem. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the theological discussions in the Ĥāshiya ‘alā Muqaddimāt al-Arba‘a which were written following the order of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror/Fatih. This text addresses the origin of moral judgment and the question of freedom and destiny in human actions linked to the problem of good and evil. Discussing these two fundamental issues, has made it necessary to thoroughly investigate perhaps all the subheadings which concern the entire paradigm that falls under the framework of understanding the God, nature, and humanity. By looking at the treatise, the main sources of the issues being discussed are mostly generated from an Islamic jurisprudence works, entitled Tawḍīḥ and Talwīḥ. It can easily be discerned that the direct quotations that were made or taken indirectly were from these two sources. References to other sources were quite seldom. However, the excerpts that were taken from primary sources were interpreted and expounded by the author and amended anew. In this article al-Kastalī’s comments will be analyzed. He’s work Ĥāshiya ‘alā Muqaddimāt al-Arba‘a will be analyzed in depth and will be published for the first time with a critical edition. Text of Muqaddimāt al-Arba‘a is a product of a culture of criticism and critical thinking has two foundations: Disproval and verification. Critical thinking is then bidirectional. It is wrong to carry out the criticism activity in only one direction. It is insufficient to simply refute the opposing idea. It is not enough to show the wrong. The so-called right idea also needs to be justified. In the Tawdīh, Sadr al-Sharī‘ah criticizes al-Ashʿarī in the issues of husn-qubh and human actions. According to this criticism, good and evil should be based on the reason. On the other hand, human is free in his actions. As it is known, goodness and badness was based on religion according to al-Ashʿarī. Acquisition (kasb) given to man was unclear. It is al-Taftāzānī who wrote an annotation on Tawḍīḥ with the name of Talwīḥ. He’s comments are successful in terms of theology. However, these interpretations do not mean that he accepted the Muqaddimāt al-Arba‘a. In terms of al-Taftāzānī, proofs of Sadr al-Sharī‘ah is weak. The theological disputes in Tawḍīḥ and Talwīḥ have reached the level of tension in the following works. The origins of the divergence are based on the differentiation between the schools of al-Māturīdi and al-Ashʿarī. In fact, these schools are not different from each other in terms of the method they use. Although the roads walked were the same, the results achieved were different. The main reason for this is that the issue is ambiguous and the problem of good and evil is multidimensional. It is directly related to God and human. It is also connected with ontology and epistemology together. The position on the husn-qubh issue is also decisive for other theological problems. The root of the evil problem or theodicy is mostly based on this problem in Islamic thought. The actions of God and human are questioned here. The value judgments that actions will take are examined. Which action is more moral and better? Another major problem discussed in this article is human actions. It is a matter of freedom of human volition. The volition of man before the absolute God is a problem. Because God has absolute power, will and knowledge. On the other hand, God imposes responsibility on man. But what are the limits of this responsibility? Al-Kastalī discusses all these problems in the context of Sadr al-Sharī‘ah and al-Taftāzānī. In the big picture there are representatives of the schools of al-Māturīdi and al-Ashʿarī. Al-Kastalī doesn’t paint a new picture, rather makes the lines in the picture clear. In this article, the texts will be analyzed mutually. The content and uses of the concepts will be given importance. Ideas will be discussed from their main sources and the roots and different reach of the issues will be touched. The interactions of different schools of thought will also be included. (shrink)

The issue of acting on weak hadiths has been a debated issue throughout history. Scholars have adopted different views on this issue. While there are scholars who argue that weak hadiths should not be acted upon at all, there are also scholars who argue that there is no harm in acting upon them under certain conditions. While scholars such as Müslim, Yahya b. Ma'in and Subhi Salih in the modern period adopt the view that weak hadiths should not be acted (...) upon, Imam Şafiî, Imam Ahmed and Ebu Davud prefer the view that if there is no sound hadith on a subject, weak hadiths should be acted upon. Apart from these two groups, there are also scholars, such as Ibn Hajar, who adopt the middle path and emphasize that weak hadiths should be acted upon under certain conditions.It is seen that the approaches expressing their opinions on the issue of acting on weak hadiths generally differ depending on whether the topics are provisions or virtues. While some scholars do not consider it permissible to act on weak hadiths, whether they are subject to provisions or not; It is seen that some of them are of the opinion that, under certain conditions, virtues and even provisions can be acted upon when necessary. Although the Scholars are generally of the opinion that one should not act on a weak hadith regarding the provisions, some of them stated that there is no harm in acting on it if it meets certain conditions regarding the provisions. Acting with weak hadiths regarding virtue has been a subject mentioned by many scholars. It has been seen that many hadith scholars, from the early periods, have adopted a positive attitude towards hadith narrations regarding virtue. This shows that the idea of acting with weak hadiths has existed since then.Ulama who follow the Hanafi sect generally made inferences based on weak hadiths. It is seen that Hanafi scholars, who attach importance to ray and qiyas, prefer weak hadiths to ray and qiyas in some cases. This situation is mostly the result of the necessity of extracting the provisions regarding ta'abbudi issues from the hadiths. It is also possible that they use weak hadiths in order to encourage people to do good and avoid bad situations regarding the virtue of deeds. In some cases, the use of hadiths that are in accordance with precautions is a common situation among Hanafi scholars. For this and similar reasons, it is possible to see the use of weak hadith among Hanafi scholars.It would not be right to limit the issue of weak hadith and deeds only to Hanafi ulema. The issue of acting with weak hadith has been discussed a lot in the sources on the Sunni hadith method. Hadith scholars have examined these hadiths under two main headings: provisions and virtues. They did not see any problems in the narration of weak hadiths, provided that they were not on matters related to belief and rules; It is possible to say that they acted more inclusively when they narrated hadiths on subjects such as maw'iza, virtue of deeds and stories, as well as issues related to tafsir and megazi. Weak hadith narration and acting on weak hadith, and some scholars preferring weak hadiths to qiyas, indicate that this is because it is attributed to the Prophet Muhammad.Commentators generally give a lot of space to weak hadiths, fabricated news andİsraelites in their tafsir books. In particular, it is seen that the commentators of narration use every material they find about the virtues of the suras, without evaluating their authenticity. It is seen that Muhaddith scholars frequently resort to weak hadiths as well as sound narrations, especially on subjects such as fedailu'l-quran, fedailu's-suver, fedailu'l-ayat.In this context, if the hadiths used by Nasafi regarding the virtues of the suras in his work called et-Teysîr fi't-tefsîr are examined, it will be seen that he gives a lot of place to weak hadiths. It is important that, in addition to the scholars who adopt the view that weak hadiths cannot be acted upon, there are also scholars such as Nasafi, who believe that there is no harm in acting on weak hadiths on some issues, especially regarding virtues. As a matter of fact, although the fact that Nasafi was a muhaddith as well as a commentator gave the impression that he would select and use the hadiths more meticulously, it has been observed that he did not behave differently from other commentators and used weak hadiths and fabricated news about the virtues of the suras. In this respect, it is seen that Nasefi reflects the general attitude of commentators in his work. It is possible to see that a scholar who is knowledgeable in many fields resorts to weak hadiths, especially regarding virtues, shows a moderate approach to the status of these hadiths, and accepts that weak hadiths are suitable for narration and can be acted upon. (shrink)

It is known that the science of recitation is one of the important branches of Islamic sciences in terms of its subject. It is stated that the science of recitation is intertwined with the Qurʾān and has an important place in terms of tafsīr, ḥadīth and law sciences. In this respect, it is understood that the recitation of Yaʿqūbis one of the ten sound recitations accepted as authentic and mutawātir (Consecutive). Although there are comparative works in whichYaʿqūb's recitation is mentioned (...) together with other recitations, it is striking that there is no study in whichYaʿqūb's recitation is handled separately. In this study, it is aimed to clarify the issues in Yaʿqūb’s recitation, even though they are not in other recitations. It is understood that Yaʿqūb’s recitation has some differences compared to other recitations and contains some unique features. In this respect, these issues specific to Yaʿqūb reading are frequently encountered in dictionaries and tafsīr sources. In this article, it is planned to evaluate the recitation of Yaʿqūb in two parts. In the first chapter, the procedural rules of Yaʿqūb recitation are given and the subjects are explained with the sampling method. In the second part, attention is drawn to the points where Yaʿqūb recitation differs from other recitations. What is meant by the rules of procedure in the science of recitation is the set of general rules that take place when conditions such as madd, qasr, izhār, idghām and iqlāb are met. Farsh, recitation on the other hand, is the different reading of certain words independent of these rules. There are different views on the reading of the pronoun hā, which is evaluated within the framework of the rules of procedure. Recitation imams state that it is controversial whether the pronoun hā in the dual and plural pronouns which comes after the silent letter, can be read with damma (u sound) or kasrah (i sound). When the recitation of Ya'qūb is examined, it is understood that all pronouns of this type are read with damma and this view is preferred. It is stated that there is no consensus on the use of the letter mīm, which is a sign of plurality with kasrah or damma. In this regard, Ya'qūb subordinates the letter mīm to the letter hā, Where the letter hā is pronounced damma, it reads the letter mīm as damma, and where the letter hā is pronounced as damma, it reads the letter mīm with kasrah and does not go beyond this limit. Idghām, which is used as a concept in the science of recitation, is the combination of two letters that are mutamasil, mutaqārib or mutajānis, transforming them into a single letter and forming it. It is stated that Abu 'Amr was the imam of the recitation, who practiced İdghām-ı kabir, which is one of the important subjects of the science of recitation and tajwīd (the rules of recitation), and that Ya'kūb came later. It is seen that some recitation imams on the subject of waqf (stopping) did not make any changes regarding the words dedicated on it, by complying with the way it was written in the musḥaf (the Qur’ān). However, it is striking that there are some changes in the recitation of Ya'qūb. As a concept used in the science of recitation, farsh is the reading of the words in the Qur'ān in different ways by the recitation imams and attributing each recitation to its owner. Therefore, these differences take place in all recitations and this subject is also known as Farshu'l-Khurūf or al-Furū'. When we look at the difference between farsh and usūl in the science of recitation, it is seen that the usūl is realized within the framework of certain rules, while the farsh is formed independently of these rules. (shrink)

The foundations of almost all Islamic sciences were laid in the first and second centuries of hijra. With the expansion of the Islamic world since the first century of hijra, the existence of a collective effort to transfer oral information into writing is notable. With the invitation of the prophet Muḥammad to Islam, an unprecedented increase in the culture of writing has been observed. Since the emergence of Islam, the world history scene has witnessed feverish writing activity. Especially in the (...) 2th/8th century, when the transition from oral culture to written culture accelerated, the founding texts of the science of language and religion, which were the carriers of these sciences related to aqāid-kalām, fiqh and uṣūl al-fiqh, tasawwuf, tafsir, and hadith, were compiled. Thanks to the founding texts containing the basic principles, the sciences have had the opportunity to develop by deepening. In this study, the contribution of Fiqh al-akbar, the founding text of the science of creed, to the science of kalam, which has made significant progress, will be discussed. In order for a text to be considered a founding and root, there must be a system that it establishes as the fruit of the tree. In this sense, Fiqh al-akbar established a moderate and defensible belief system. There is an organic link between the most concise faith texts and the most voluminous kalām books. While the creed texts, which consist of writing the goals at the end of the road, are the counting of the principles of faith, the texts of the kalām represent the walking of the road that leads to the goal of faith. Fiqh al-akbar, which marks the end of the road by finishing the roads to be walked, is the first and most important of the milestones of Islamic thought. In this study, the contribution of Fiqh al-akbar, the founding text of the science of aqāid, to the science of kalām will be discussed in the context of its belonging to its author. This text gave direction to Ahl al-Sunna theology, which would be written in the later stages of Islamic thought. In this study, the internal and external contexts of the founding text mentioned will be confirmed in terms of its relative acumen to Abū Ḥanīfa. In addition, the reason for the increase in the commentaries (Sharḥ) of Fiqh al-akbar during the Ottoman period will be shown. As a matter of fact, each annotation strengthens that it belongs to the author. In the annotations, there is no sentence stating that the text does not belong to Abū Ḥanīfa, on the contrary, the authenticity of the belonging is emphasized. Of course, not all the annotations of the relevant text will be included here, but mostly printed works will be emphasized. Theology, prophecy and the hereafter are discussed in Fiqh al-akbar. Here, how theological debates and problems related to the history of theological concepts are handled in the commentaries will be shown. In this article, within the framework of the method discussed as an example, a preparation will be made for further studies to evaluate the topics and concepts of prophecy and the hereafter in the context of commentaries. The point that should be emphasized here is that none of the scholars who commented on the text pointed out that the subject or concept was not discussed in the period of Abū Ḥanīfa. Moreover, from the early period until as late as the 7th/13th century, both theology and bibliography books did not have any doubts about the belonging of Fiqh al-akbar to Abū Ḥanīfa. Moreover, since the early period, both theological and bibliographical works did not have any doubts about Fiqh al-akbar’s belonging to Abū Ḥanīfa. (shrink)

The subject of general utterances (al-lafdh al-āmm) being certain or presumptive in their usage as an indication to all their members is controversial amongst the methodists. Ḥanafī methodists suggest that the indication of general utterances to all of their members as certain and unless they are specified with a certain evidence, they can’t be specified with a presumptive evidence. Like the ḥanafī methodists, the ẓāhirī methodists also suggest that the general utterance is certain indicant for all of its members and (...) can be specified only with another evidence in the same rank. The main difference between the two groups focuses on whether al-khabar al-wāhid (single prophetic narration) is a certain or a presumptive evidence in terms of certitude. According to ḥanafīs, al-khabar al-wāhid is a presumptive evidence and unless the general utterances in Qur’ān are specified initially with another certain evidence, they can’t be specified with al-khabar al-wāhid. However, al-khabar al-wāhid is a certain evidence according to ẓāhirīs and it can specify general utterances in Qur’ān. In this study, the comparison of the views of the methodists of two schools regarding the indication of general utterances in Quran and their specification (takhsīs) with al-akhbar al-wāhid is made and their influence on Islamic Law regulations is studied afterwards. In this study, the two sect’s approaches are compared over the provision of reading al-Fatehah during prayer, the number of milk sucking to establish the kinship, the rights of women divorced with bain talaq and the execution of the death penalty in the Harem region.Summary: The purpose of this study is to try to demonstrate that an assertion in the Ph.D. thesis, The History and Doctrine of Ẓāhirī Madhhab, completed by Amr Osman in 2010 is incorrect. It can be summarized that in his study, Amr Osman claims that the affiliation of the schools to ahl-al-hadith and ahl-al-ra’y in conventional classification is wrong. According to him, contrary to what is known, the School of Ẓāhiriyya is closer to School of Ḥanafiyya rather than schools coming out of ahl-al-hadith. In this study, one of the arguments that he relied on to support his claim is studied in order to prove that his claim was inaccurate. Osman claims that ẓāhirīs are closer to ḥanifīs, based on the view that in both schools the general utterances embrace all of their members in their usage and they are a certain indicant to all of their members. At this stage, although the views of both schools are common, the ḥanifīs don’t accept the idea that the general statements of Qur’ān can be established with al-khabar-al-wāhid, those which they acknowledge as presumptive as of certitude. However, according to the ẓāhirīs, the certitude of al-khabar al-wāhid is as precise as the narrated report, so it can specify the general statements of Qur’ān which are in equal power. The related dispute between the schools has been reflected on many Islamic law regulations. Some of them are:1. Ḥanafīs state that the correct Quranic prayer may be performed by reading any or a few verses of the Qur’ān in prayer, which is a practice based on the verse “Read what you can read from the Qur’ān now”. On the other hand, the ẓāhirīs have established the related order based on the report “There is no prayer without reading Umm Al-Quran (Surah al-Fatehah)” and it is obligatory (fardh) to read Surah al-Fatehah in prayers.2. Because that the terms milk-mother and milk sister are in general form in the verse “It is forbidden to you to marry these people...Your milk-mothers who nursed you, your milk-sisters who nursed you” the ḥanafīs clarify that it is sufficient for a child to breastfeed only one time in order to form a milk-kinship. They do not act in accordance with the solitary report (al-khabar-al-wāhids) which indicate that the milk kinship specifying the verse shall only be formed with at least three or five breastfeeding. However, one of the ẓāhirīs, Dāwūd al-Ẓāhirī, has specified the verse with the report indicating that the kinship shall not be formed with less than three breastfeeding by the child, and Ibn Ḥazm has specified it with Salim hadith which indicates that the kinship shall be formed with five breastfeeding.3. According to ḥanafīs, there is an alimony and inhabiting right of the widow woman to be procured by the husband within the period of delay who divorced her either with irreversible divorce (talāq al-bāin) or reversible divorce (talāq al-ric‘ī) according to the generalization of the verse “Give shelter to them (the women you have divorced) in some part of your household within your capacity.” They did not act with the report of Fātima binti Qays, who specified the generalization of the verse. On the other hand, the ẓāhirīs recognize the abovementioned rights only for the women who got divorced with irreversible divorce or the ones who are pregnant, specifying the verse with the report indicating that His Holiness the Prophet does not grant alimony and inhabiting to the woman who was divorced with reversible divorce.4. According to ḥanafīs, the criminal who committed a crime that would require a death penalty and took refuge in the Harem region could not be executed while in Ḥarem, according to the common statement of the verse, “Whoever enters there, will be safe.” Dāwūd al-Ẓāhirī, one of the ẓāhirīs has specified the verse with the report indicating that His Holiness the Prophet has authorized the execution of the sentence to Ibn Khattal in Ḥarem on the day of the conquering of Mecca and he states that the death sentence can be executed wherever the criminal is caught, even if it is inside the Harem. Ibn Ḥazm shares the same view with ḥanafīs regarding the provision of this issue. However, the reason for his opinion stems from the fact that the report about Ibn Khattal was an event specific to that day. As it is seen, even though the ḥanefīs and ẓāhirīs share the same opinion about the general utterances being a certain indicant to all their members, they have disagreements upon the argument about the general utterances of Quran being specified by al-khabar al-wāhid and many Islamic Law regulations have been issued by these schools based on such disagreements. According to us, in the final analysis, Amr Osman’s claim must be met with caution. (shrink)

Every text, in addition to its main idea and notional framework, has a context that reflects the background of the milieu in which it was written. In this respect, it would be paid attention in the identity of the text, which waiting to be discovered like a hidden treasure within lines and reflecting its time, as much as giving importance to the sentences of the text. Adopting such an approach, in a sense, could contribute to a better understanding of the (...) spirit of the text. In addition, this approach is of great importance in bringing the treatises that built our civilization, especially the stories of many manuscripts waiting to be revealed, to modern scholarship. Therefore, each step on this path of discovery makes an outstanding contribution to the understanding of the ultimate extent of our civilization’s history. This paper aims to take a step on this path by examining a manuscript that depicts the Ottoman scholarly environment in the 18th century. Both the critical edition of the treatise, Ilzām al-muʿānidīn wa-ibṭāl zaʿm al-ḥāsidīn, and its translation constitute the scope and focus of this paper. The paper also aims to have a general view of the historical context of the treatise and a concise analysis in light of this information. Later, it is aimed to let the reader be alone with the edited Arabic text and its Turkish translation by leaving her/him alone in this intellectual journey. Another reason for choosing the treatise is that it is related to ʿiṣmah al anbiyā (the infallibility of the Messengers of Allah), which is a highly sensitive issue of kalām in terms of both thematically and methodologically. Moreover, this subject is extremely meaningful in terms of the revelation-centered structure of kalam, the nature of the concept of Messenger of Allah, and the understanding of the issues formed around being a Messenger of Allah. Following both etymological and discursive evaluation based on classical sources (especially related to fiqh), the treatise discusses whether the Messengers of Allah are protected from the faint (ighmāʾ) or not. Its main question is whether the faint be considered in the context of ʿiṣmah al anbiyā or not. First of all, the author explains the reasons for writing the treatise in the introduction and then, underlines prominently the results in the conclusion. Both chapters may be the most significant parts in respect of reflecting the identity of the text. The given messages by determining the causal relations in these chapters provide significant clues about the conflict between the Kadizādeli and the Sivasī, which adversely affected the history of Ottoman thought, and emerged trends as a consequence of that. The most prominent theme is that it is highly recommended to adopt a moderate way to overcome the negative effects of the conflict that polarized many people. Ultimately, the treatise is an extremely important text in terms of being the first witness of a time period, in which one of the greatest turning points emerged in our intellectual history. (shrink)

In this study, after a short introductory information on the etymology, origin, and transition of botanical knowledge in Medieval Islamic Civilisation, we made a comparison of illustrated botanical works in Maghreb and Masriq through two illustrated books. We studied on randomly selected illustrations from Kitab al- Hashaish at-Tibb li-Diskuridus al-Aynzarbi translated by Istefan ibn Basil & Hunayn ibn Ishaq from Dioscorides’ Materia Medica, and Kitab al-Adwiyat al-Mufradat of Abu Ja’far Ahmad al-Ghafiqi, the Andalusian physician, pharmacist, and herbalist. We made comparisons (...) on the illustrations of nine plants and one lichen, chosen from Codex Osler of al-Ghafiqi, and Codices Ayasofya of Istefan-Hunayn, with real photos of plants and lichen, via the methods used currently in the science-art of botanical illustration. With this «botanical illustrative method», we conclude that in the same century, the work of al-Ghafiqi has been copied in a more accurate way than that of Istefan-Hunayn translation. -/- تخصص هذه الدراسة - بعد تقديم معلومات تمهيدية موجزة عن علم أصل الكلمات، وأصول وتطور المعرفة النباتية في الحضارة الإسلامية في العصور الوسطى - للتحليل المقارن للمؤلفات في علم النبات المصور في المغرب والمشرق، من خلال كتابين مصورين. و لهذه الغاية، قمنا بتحليل سلسلة من الرسوم، إختيرت بشكل تلقائي، أُخذت من كتاب النباتات الطبية لصاحبه دِيُسوفُورِيدس، و من ترجمة ابن استيفان ابن باسل و حنين ابن إسحاق لدراسة المادة الطبية لديسوفوريدس، و من كتاب الأدوية البسيطة لأبو جعفر أحمد الغافقي، و هو طبيب و صيدلي و عشاب أندلسي. لقد أجرينا مقارنات لرسوم تسعة نباتات و أشنة وقع الإختيار عليها من كتاب أوسلر للغافقي و من كتب أياصوفيا لإستيفان و حنين، مع صور حقيقية لعينات من هذه الأنواع، باستخدام الطرق المطبقة في وقتنا الراهن في فن وعلم الرسوم النباتية. و بعد تطبيق هذا المنهج التصويري النباتي، نستطيع أن نخلص إلى أنه، و على الرغم من إنتاجها في نفس القرن، فإن نسخ رسوم الغافقي النباتية كانت أكثر دقة من تلك الموجودة في ترجمة استيفان - حنين. الكلمات المفتاحية دِيُسوفُورِيدس، الغافقي، تاريخ علم النبات، الأندلس -/- Este estudio –tras una breve información introductoria sobre etimología, orígenes y evolución del conocimiento botánico en la civilización islámica medieval– está dedicado a un análisis comparativo de los tratados botánicos ilustrados en el Magreb y en el Máshreq, a través de dos libros ilustrados. Para ello, hemos analizado una serie de ilustraciones, elegidas al azar, extraídas del Libro de plantas medicinales de Dioscórides por Anazarba, traducción de Istefan ibn Basil y Hunayn ibn Ishaq del tratado De materia medica de Dioscórides, y del Libro de los medicamentos simples de Abu Ya'far Ahmad al-Gafiqi, médico, farmacéutico y herbolario andalusí. Hemos llevado a cabo comparaciones de las ilustraciones de nueve plantas y un liquen, escogidos del códice Osler de al-Gafiqi y de los códices Ayasofya de Istefan-Hunayn, con fotografías reales de especímenes de dichas especies, acudiendo a los métodos aplicados actualmente en el arte y ciencia de la ilustración botánica. Tras este «método ilustrativo botánico», podemos concluir que, aunque llevadas a cabo en el mismo siglo, las copias de ilustraciones de al-Gafiqi han resultado más precisas que las de la traducción de Istefan-Hunayn. (shrink)

It is possible to mention many scholars and their studies that have been the milestone in the formation and evolution of the differences in recitation, which started with the Prophet’s permission in different recitation, as a scientific discipline. One of these scholars, Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Dimyātī (d. 1117/1705), was a versatile figure who was skilled in various branches of science, especially in the science of recitation. He owes his fame mostly to his authorship of Ithāf al-fudalāʾ al-bashar, one of the (...) most well-known studies in the field of recitation. The study on the author is important because of his work on the science of recitation and his influence on this field. In particular, the author’s influence on the teaching of recitation in Egypt and the Ottoman period enriches this study even more meaningful. In this regard, it is aimed in this study to briefly introduce Dimyātī and his studies, who wrote Ithāfu fudalāʾ al-bashar, which is one of the important reference sources in learning the methodical differences of the schools expressed as tarīq (route) and profession in the science of Qiraat since the Ottoman period in our country, and it is also aimed to make a modest contribution to the scholarly research to be conducted on this great Qiraat scholar. This article will try to make an evaluation of Dimyātī’s life, scholarly personality, studies and place in the science of recitation, about whom there is no academic study in our country except for the item of Encyclopaedia of Islam. It is seen that Dimyātī lived in a period when explanation, annotation and ta‘likāt (depending upon or deriving from a text) were in vogue and he was significantly influenced by the dominant understanding of the period to a certain extent. The explanations and annotations he wrote on studies belonging to different branches of science show that he was significantly influenced by the scholarly understanding of the period. The author’s study titled Ithāf al-fudalāʾ al-bashar written especially on the science of recitation especially on the science of recitation, continues to be valued as a primary source even today. One of the famous studies of the literature of the fourteen recitation, Ithāf is one of the basic sources of the “Takrīb” phase of the process called “Ashara-Takrîb-Tayyib” in teaching of recitation. (shrink)

The common narrations in the main hadith books in the tradition of Ahl as-Sunnah and Shia are an essential subject of examination in determining the relations within and between sects. In the significant part of these narrations, the two madhhabs differ by attributing different meanings to the common hadiths. It is understood that Shia's practices such as walaya, the necessity of the imam, being innocent and muhaddath of the imams are proven especially in the common hadiths related to the principles (...) of faith. Aside from who is right, the meaning and wording differences in the common narrations could provide an understanding of the differences and formation processes between and within the sects. For example, the hadith of firâsah, one of the common narrations, has been discussed. An independent study concludes that the hadith of firâsah found a place in the Ahl al-Sunnah, especially in the Sufi tradition and did not pass on to the Ahl al-Sunnah from the Shia. This article has examined the common narrators of whether the hadith passed from Ahl al-Sunnah to Shia and has focused on whether there is an intellectual interaction. It has been determined that the meaning attributed to the understanding of firâsah by the Sufis among the Ahl al-Sunnah is similar to the imams' characteristic of being muhaddath in Shia. It has also been determined that the Shia made some additions to the hadith of firâsah and reached different conclusions from the Ahl as-sunnah. In addition, it has been seen that Ithnâashariya used the hadith of firâsah as evidence against other groups to confirm its justification in the sectarian divisions of the Shia. (shrink)

It can be said that Westerners have always seen Muslims and Islam as an obstacle to their own existence. They constantly see themselves as superior and try to belittle those who are not like them. The prejudice created by this point of view has prevented them from seeing Islamic civilization. Although many scientists and thinkers have tried to evaluate this accumulation by being influenced by Islamic thought, governments and people have always viewed the issue as such an opposition. This hatred (...) increased even more when Muslims began to conquer the countries of Western (Christian) societies through conquests. The aim of the "Orientalism Research Centers", which was established with the support of the Vienna Church Council, was to make this struggle more systematic by recognizing the Easterners/Muslims instead of understanding them in all their aspects and through the weak sides they could find. Thus, Westerners wanted to place in the Muslim mind The notion they were superior in every field, that Muslims had always been reactionary and that they had to be corrected. In the modern era, the idea that religion is contrary to science and progress and is the source of all conflicts has prevailed in the West. For this reason, it is aimed to create a human and society free from religion and religious.. In the modern era, a secular society experiment was made, people could not be happy. When it comes to the post-modern period, people, whose spiritual and belief aspects were neglected, showed a tendency to turn to religion again with the longing for this. Western governments, politicians and global capitals have resorted to all kinds of remedies to prevent this tendency towards Islam. The construction of Islamophobia has been a concrete proof of this pursuit. The fact that the perpetrators of the September 11 events in the USA and the terrorist attacks in many other western states which is following them, consist of Muslims, has been the pillar of the construction of “Islamophobia” in the West. Capital appetites of global capitals and ancient hostilities have opened the door to direct intervention in Muslim countries with “Islamophobia”. Thanks to Islamophobia, this intervention has been accepted as legitimate in both Western and many Eastern societies. In this study, it is focused on how the “Islamophobia” built into a pragmatic tool is transformed. It has been emphasized that Islamophobia is a legitimate basis for the West to control the energy and oil resources of the Middle East, which has whetted the appetite of the USA. At this point, it has been seen that the West and the USA have achieved their goals to a large extent. However, it was emphasized that in the intervened societies, problems such as poverty, terrorist incidents, ethnic and sectarian divisions, and the masses being forced to migrate could not be solved in the recent past. In this study, an analysis has been made by dealing with a qualitative method, why Westerners behave like this and what they aim with it. (shrink)

To help ensure the ethical conduct of research, many have recommended educational efforts in research ethics to investigators and members of research ethics committees (RECs). One type of education activity involves multi-day workshops in research ethics. To be effective, such workshops should contain the appropriate content and teaching techniques geared towards the learning styles of the targeted audiences. To ensure consistency in content and quality, we describe the development of a curriculum guide, core competencies and associated learning objectives and activities (...) to help educators organize research ethics workshops in their respective institutions. The curriculum guide is divided into modular units to enable planners to develop workshops of different lengths and choose content materials that match the needs, abilities, and prior experiences of the target audiences. The content material in the curriculum guide is relevant for audiences in the Middle East, because individuals from the Middle East who participated in a Certificate Program in research ethics selected and developed the training materials (e.g., articles, powerpoint slides, case studies, protocols). Also, many of the activities incorporate active-learning methods, consisting of group work activities analyzing case studies and reviewing protocols. The development of such a workshop training curriculum guide represents a sustainable educational resource to enhance research ethics capacity in the Middle East. (shrink)

Sosyal varlıklar olan insanlar, tarih boyunca birbirleri ile alışveriş yapma ihtiyacı hissetmişlerdir. Bu alışverişler, genellikle satış akdi yoluyla gerçekleştirilmiştir. Satış akitlerinin kurulmasında en yaygın görülen yöntem ise pazarlık usulü ile gerçekleştirilen müsâveme yöntemidir. İnsanlar satış akdini kurarken, akdin unsurları üzerinde pazarlık yaparak bir anlaşmaya varmışlardır. İslâm hukuku bu yöntemin sınırlarını belirlemiştir. İnsanların birbirlerinin haklarını ihlal etmeden pazarlık yapabilmelerini sağlayacak düzenlemeler getirmiştir. Ayrıntıları başta örf olmak üzere farklı delillerle düzenlense de, insanların satış akdini kurarken bu sınırlara dikkat etmesi gerektiği, doğrudan doğruya (...) naslar ile emredilmiştir. Bu durum hem şahsi zararların hem de toplumsal zararların önüne geçilmesi açısından büyük önem arz etmiştir. Bu kapsamda getirilen bazı sınırlamalar şu şekildedir: Satılmış olan bir malın devredilmeden bir başkasına satılmaması, fiyat yükseltmek amacıyla üçüncü kişinin pazarlığına dahil olunmaması gerektiği ve tarafların pazarlık aşamasının sonu geldiği, anlaşma meyillerinin oluştuğu durumda üçüncü kişinin pazarlığa dahil olmaması gerektiği belirtilmiştir. Bu sınırlamalardan, tarafların anlaşma meyillerinin ortaya çıkmış olduğu durumda üçüncü kişinin taraflardan birinin aleyhine pazarlığa dahil olması konusu çalışmamızda ele alınmıştır. Bu husus İslâm hukuk literatüründe sevm ale’s-sevm olarak nitelendirilmiştir. Türkçe literatürde genellikle pazarlık üzerine pazarlık olarak çevrilmiştir. Çalışmada sevm ale’s-sevm kavramına genellikle yer verilmiş olmakla birlikte, Türkçe olarak ifade edilmesi gerektiğinde pazarlık üzerine pazarlık kavramı kullanılmıştır. Taraflar pazarlığa yönelik ifadelerini akdin kurucu unsuru olan irade beyanı ile birbirlerine iletmektedirler. Dolayısıyla bu çalışmada öncelikle irade beyanına yönelik açıklamalar yapılmıştır. Pazarlığa yönelik bu irade beyanlarının icâb niteliğinde mi yoksa icâba davet niteliğinde mi olduğu hususunda açıklamalara yer verilmiştir. Bu açıklamaların ardından müsâveme yöntemi tanımlanmış ve genel olarak bu yönteme ilişkin bilgi verilmiştir. Müsâveme yöntemi ile oluşturulan akitler ile bu yönteme benzer yöntemlerin farkları hususunda açıklamalar yapılmıştır. Pazarlık yapılırken dikkat edilmesi gereken hususlara değinilmiş ve pazarlık üzerine pazarlık yapmanın yasak olduğu ifade edilmiştir. Akit kurulurken hangi aşamada pazarlığa dahil olmanın bu yasak kapsamında sayılacağı ve hangi aşamadaki müdahalenin yasak kapsamına dahil olmayacağı belirtilmiştir. Bu yasağın neden gerekli olduğu konusunda yapılmış olan açıklamalara yer verilmiştir. Sevm ale’s-sevmin söz konusu olduğu akitlerin genel olarak diyaneten haram kabul edildiği bununla birlikte kazaen bu akitlerin geçerli olduğu ifade edilmiştir. Bu yasağın kapsamına sadece müslümanların değil aynı zamanda müslüman olmayan vatandaşların ve müste’menlerin de dahil olduğu ifade edilmiştir. Buna göre müslüman olmayan bir vatandaş veya müste’men aleyhine böyle bir pazarlığa dahil olmanın hukuka uygun kabul edilmeyeceği açıklanmıştır. Sevm ale’s-sevmin yalnızca satış akdi açısından değil, aynı zamanda kıyas yoluyla diğer akitler bakımından da geçerli olacağı belirtilmiştir. Bu açıklamalarda Hanefî mezhebinin görüşü esas alınmış olmakla birlikte diğer mezheplerin görüşlerine de yer verilmiştir. Makale genel itibariyle Hanefî mezhebi odağında diğer mezheplerin görüşlerine de yer verilen bir yöntemle oluşturulmuştur. Tüm bu görüşlerin ardından mer’î hukukta bu yasağın uygulanıp uygulanmadığı hususunda açıklamalar yapılmıştır. (shrink)

There is no common working style followed in the preparation of the editorial critiques of the ĥāshiya. The overwhelming majority of the ĥāshiya works written on at least one text and commentary, were produced in the Ottoman science-culture basin and period. Ĥāshiya style of writing is an area neglected by the academic community until recently. A claimant is obliged to prove his claim by scientific, legal and moral principles. However, studies that prove or at least support the said judgment have (...) not been completed. The final objective decision should be postponed to the research of manuscripts. Otherwise, the judgment will not go beyond the pre-judgment. The article is intended to give momentum to academic studies on the sharḥ-ĥāshiya writing style. Muqaddimāt al-Arba‘a is a text in which Ṣadr al-Sharī‛ah [die. 747/1346], considered one of the pioneers of the contractor Māturīdī school, analyzes human verbs. Since its establishment, the Māturīdī school has remained sensitive to human freedom and human-centred moral principles. According to the claim, thanks to the four premises, the ontological status of the will has attained a structure that can exist or disappear in terms of expression. The understanding of free God and free man depends on the acceptance of the will in this structure. Otherwise, man and God will not be considered free. The representative of the Ashʿarī thought system Taftazānī [die. 792/1390], critically commented on the text. According to him, the conclusion of the four premises in terms of Ash‘arī doctrine consists of a door creak and a fly hum. There is also Ḥāccī Hasanzāda’s [die. 911/1505-1506] among the scholars who wrote on the order of Fatih Sultan Meḥmed, who wondered the basis of the thought and scientific tension. His work is a product of ĥāshiya style. The article of Ḥāccī Hasanzāda points out the deficiencies and weaknesses of the premises and discusses the connection of the will with the moral principles within the framework of schools. In this article, Ḥāccī Hasanzāda’s work titled Ĥāshiya ‘alā Muqaddimāt al-Arba‘a will be introduced and its critical edited publication will be presented. (shrink)

The debate on the possibility of attaining metaphysical knowledge by the method of reasoning began with the ancient Greek philosophers and continues to this day. This article aims to examine how Râzî argues for the possibility of attaining metaphysical knowledge through the method of reasoning. He first argues that existence has two parts, the sensed and the thought, in order to demonstrate that metaphysical knowledge can be obtained through the method of reasoning. Then he tries to prove that existence is (...) not limited to the material. After presenting evidence for the existence of things other than the sensible in existence that can be perceived with the intellect, he tries to discuss our devices to relate to this sphere of existence in a comparative manner. In this comparison, two possible devices for attaining metaphysical knowledge emerge: the theoretical intellect and the purified soul. After revealing the positive and negative aspects of both in this comparison, he argues that the most reliable device is the theoretical intellect and the technique is the method of reasoning Râzî gives various answers to those who object to the possibility of obtaining metaphysical knowledge through the method of reasoning. Râzî tries to put forward the grounds on which the groups who object to the method of reasoning are based. He then evaluates their justifications in terms of accuracy and consistency. Thus, he tests both the relevance of each group's objection to the subject and its consistency with the group's other beliefs. He then presents the justifications for his own opinion on the method of reasoning and the consistency of this method with his other beliefs. Following this method, Râzî first divides those who object to the method of reasoning into two categories according to whether or not they accept a metaphysical sphere of existence. According to this division, those who object to the method because they do not accept a metaphysical sphere of existence are the Sophists, Sumeniyya, Mujasimah, Dhahriyya, and Hashawiyya. Although this group does not accept a metaphysical sphere of existence, they are divided into two classes: those who believe in God and those who do not. According to Râzî, the group that accepts the metaphysical sphere of existence but objects to the method of reasoning is the Talimiyya. They claim that metaphysical knowledge can only be attained through the teaching of an innocent instructor, not by the method of reasoning. The different approaches of these groups are the reason why Râzî sometimes emphasizes accuracy, sometimes consistency, and sometimes proving the metaphysical domain of existence in his answers to those who object to the method of reasoning. (shrink)

On dawah pattern of Yusuf Abul Mahasin Tajul Khalwati al-Maqassariy al Bantaniy, an ulama from Makassar.

Bu çalışma, Rükneddin Ubeydullah b. Muhammed es-Semerkandî'nin (öl. 701/1301) "Risâle fî ḥaḳîḳati’l-‘âlemi’l-kebîr ve’s-ṣağîr/Büyük ve Küçük Âlemin Hakikati Hakkında Bir Risâle" adlı eserini tahkîk etmeyi, müellifin hayatı ve eserin içeriğini incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Rükneddin es-Semerkandî'nin müteahhir/geç dönem Mâtürîdî ve Hanefî âlimlerinden biri olduğu; kelâm, tasavvuf, tefsir, fıkıh usulü, hadis ve diğer alanlardaki eserleriyle İslâm medeniyeti tarihinde belirgin izler bıraktığı belirtilmelidir. Semerkandî'nin eserlerinde de görüldüğü gibi o, sûfî kelâmcılardan veya kelâmcı sûfîlerinden biridir. Üslubu, kelâm, tasavvuf ve - zaman zaman geniş anlamıyla - felsefe (...) ile karışık olan bir sentezdir. Bu da şaşırtıcı bir şey değildir. Zira Semerkandî, ilimlerin iç içe geçtiği ve kelâm ile tasavvufun felsefe boyasıyla boyandığı (Gazâlî (öl. 505/1111) ve Fahreddin er-Râzî (öl. 606/1210) sonrası) bir dönemde yaşamıştır. Elimizdeki risâlesi aracılığıyla, Rükneddin es-Semerkandî'nin kelâmcı ve mutasavvıf olmasının yanı sıra felsefeden de etkilendiğini görüyoruz. Zira insan ile büyük âlem arasındaki benzetme veya insan ve âlem arasında bir bağ kurma meselesi, kökleri eski felsefelere dayanan eski bir bakış açısıdır; daha sonra İslâm felsefesi ve İslâm düşüncesi bütünüyle bu felsefî perspektiften etkilenmiş ve insanı küçük bir âlem olarak görmüşlerdir. Rükneddin es-Semerkandî, insanı küçük bir âlem olarak veya kendi ifadesiyle büyük âlemin fihristi olarak gören Müslüman düşünürler veya âlimlerden biridir. Görünüşe göre, müellif bu konuya özel bir ilgi göstermiş ve bu nedenle bu konuda müstakil bir risâle yazmıştır. Söz konusu risâlesini, girişten sonra on iki kısa ve öz bölüm halinde kaleme almıştır. Müellif eserinde, büyük âlem ve küçük âlemin yaratılma amacına - ki bu risâlesini yazma hedefidir - değinmiştir. Ayrıca âlemlerin kısımları, dört kavram "duyu, akıl, kalp ve ruh" ve ruhun en yüce ve en erdemli olduğu, "Allah, Âdem'i kendi suretinde yarattı" hadisinin anlamı, insan ruhunun en üstün/erdemli varlık olduğu, bir mürebbî şeyhin/eğiten hocanın bilmesi gereken ilimler, eğiten hocası olmayan birinin ne yapması gerektiği gibi tasavvufî konuları ele almış; Allah'ın sıfatlarının kısımları, insan, cin ve melek gibi diğer kelamî konuları da işlemiştir. Müellif, risâlesinde konu bağlamında ayetleri ve hadisleri aktarma ve âlimlerin sözlerini nakletme yöntemini izleyerek kendi görüş veya ifadesini belirtmektedir. Müellif genellikle Cüneyd-i Bağdâdî (öl. 297/909) ve Hakîm et-Tirmizî (öl. 320/932) gibi sûfî âlimlerden alıntı yapar, bu da ilmî kaynaklarının - en azından ilgili risâlesi bağlamında - sûfî eserler ve âlimler olduğunu yansıtır. Bu çalışmanın önemi, söz konusu risâlenin ilk kez tahkîk ve incelenmesi yapılıp, risâlenin hâlâ kütüphanelerde el yazması olarak bulunmasında yatmaktadır. Araştırmamız neticesinde, Türkiye kütüphanelerinde bulunan toplam sekiz nüsha tespit edilmiştir. Şöyle ki, Bursa İnebey Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Ulucami 1674/2, vr. 17-25; Bursa İnebey Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Ulucami 1695/15, vr. 226-231; Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Hekimoğlu Ali Paşa 933/16, vr. 108-111; Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Esad Efendi 1695/14, vr. 84-86; Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Hacı Beşir Ağa 387/6, vr. 121-131; Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Laleli 168/4, vr. 87-92; Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Muğlalı Hoca Mustafa Efendi 109/6, vr. 30-33 ve Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Sütlüce Dergahı 117-4, vr. 94-99. Tarihsel olarak en eski ve müellifin ölüm tarihine en yakın olanı (Bursa/ Ulucami 1674/2) ana nüsha olarak tayin edildi; ayrıca iki nüsha ana nüshayla karşılaştırılarak/mukayese edilerek incelenmiştir. (shrink)

In this study, some postscripts (Ḥashiyah) written on Sharḥ al-Aqâid in the Ottoman Empire were examined and their sectarian identities were tried to be determined in the context of the Takwīn. Our aim is to determine the correctness of the opinion that the Ottoman Empire adopted the Ash’arism based on the reading of Ash’arian kalâm books in the Ottoman madrasahs. The book of al-Taftâzânî named Sharḥ al-Aqâid is an important kalâm book that was read together with its postscripts in the (...) time of the Ottoman Empire. This book, in which the views of Omar al-Nasafī in his book named Aqâid is evaluated from the perspective of Ash’ari, is one of the important examples of the commentary and postscript period. In this book, al-Taftâzânî explained both the views of al-Nasafī, who adopted the school of Mâturidism, and his own evaluations together. This structure of the book led to the writing of postscripts and to discuss the views of the two theological schools of Ahl al-Sunnah through this book. In this study, the postscripts written by the Ottoman period famous kalâm scholars such as Ahmad b. Mûsâ al-Khayâlî (875/1470), Muṣliḥ al-dîn Moṣtafâ al-Kastalî (901/1496) and Ramaḍân b. Moḥammad (1017/1608) on the views of al-Taftâzânî were examined. In order to understand the views of al-Khayâlî, the postscripts of Ḳûl (or Ḳavl) Aḥmad b. Ḫıżır al-Kâzarûnî (950/1543) and Abd al-Ḥakîm al-Siyâlkûtî (1067/1657) are also included. (shrink)

One of the common points between Ahl al-Sunnah and Shia is the com-mon hadiths, which both have. These hadiths have been seen as a means of bringing the two sides closer in recent years. Although common narrations, which are seen as a means of bringing the two sects closer, have been men-tioned in recent years, when going into detail, it is understood that there are differences in terms of wording and interpretation. Some of the common hadiths are transmitted in the (...) exactly same way in Shia and Ahl al-Sunnah. The two sects were able to make different evaluations in terms of meaning in such hadiths. The wording differences of a hadith in Shia enable the follow-up of the formation within the sect. A similar situation can be seen in the interpretations attributed to the hadiths in the Ahl al-Sunnah. As a concrete example of these determinations, it is possible to consider the hadith of firâsah, which includes abstract concepts within the scope of faith. The study consists of two parts. In the first part, status of authenticity the hadith of firâsah in Ahl al-Sunnah and the meaning attributed to the hadith are emphasized. It was seen that Sufi scholars concentrated more on this hadith as a result of the research on hadith, tafsir and sufism sources.The hadith of firâset, which is almost identical in terms of text in the books of Shia and Ahl as-sunna, has been accepted as evidence of the understanding of firâset among the Ahl as-Sunnah, especially as a way of Sufis obtaining knowledge. (shrink)

Sunnah, one of the two basic sources of the Islamic religion, has survived to the present day through transmission. The Messenger of Allah, the first interpreter of the Quran, explained the obscurities in the verses, the reason for their revelation and their context. Because, in addition to his duty to convey, he also has a duty to inform. For this reason, the Sunnah is considered a basic source, just like the Qur’an. The Qur’an was revealed fourteen centuries ago, gradually over (...) twenty-three years. It came to life with the life of the Prophet. After his passing into the afterlife, Muslims began to strive to understand the Qur’an and Sunnah correctly and to make them dominate their lives. For this reason, they made great scientific journeys and produced various works. At the beginning of these works are commentaries. Commentaries in which the verses of the Qur’an are explained with the words of the Prophet, his companions, and the followers are called narration tafsir. Maâlim at-tanzîl is an important commentary written by Baghawi (d. 516/1122) using this method. Baghawi, who lived during the founding and rise of the Great Seljuks, was born in 433/1041 in a small town called Bagshur or Bag, located between Marwarruz and Harat in the Khorasan region. In reference to this place, he was called Baghawi. He died in Marwarruz in 516/1122. He received a very good education and trained himself to produce works in the sciences of tafsir, hadith, fiqh and recitation. He narrated the Bukhari's al-Jâmi al-Sahîh from Abu Omar Abdulwahid el-Melihi (d. 463/1071), Abu Dawud’s Sunan from Abu Tahir Omar b. Abdelaziz ibn Ahmed al-Marwazi al-Fashani (d. 463/1071), Malik b. Anas’s Muwatta’ from Abu’l-Hasan Muhammed b. Muhammed ibn Saîd al-Shrazi (d.?). So much so that it can be seen that a significant part of the attributed narrations he narrated in his work called Sharhu's-sunna, as well as Maâlim at-tanzil, were the narrations he heard from the mentioned teachers. Baghawi's knowledge of isnad is also at a high level and he knows very well the narrations of the hadiths he narrated and the situations of the narrators in these narrations. In addition to criticizing the hadiths he narrated, he also evaluated their authenticity and showed that he was an authority on this subject. Maâlim at-tanzil is Baghawi's most well-known work and explains the verses with hadiths, the views of the companions, followers and later scholars. Since he was also a good haddith, he criticized the weak and fabricated narrations in the previously written commentaries. In Maâlim at-tanzil, before starting the commentary, the name of the sura, the number of verses, whether it is Meccan or Medinan, where and about what event it was revealed, are stated. First, explanations were made on the verses in terms of dictionary. Then, the interpretation of the verse with other verses and hadiths was started, the views of the companions and the followers were used, the explanation of the recitation aspects was given in detail, the different recitations were mentioned, the grammatical and syntax analyzes were made. The authority of the author in the field of hadith is clearly seen in the interpretation of the verses. The main feature of the work is that it is frequently referred to hadiths, unlike Masâbihu’s-Sunnah, most of the hadiths are narrated with their sources and almost all of them are based on the author himself. Although Israeli news were included in Maâlim at-tanzil, the author sometimes criticized them and rejected some of them. The aim of the article is to determine the author's method of using narrations in the interpretation of Surah al-Sajdah and the authenticity of these narrations. In this context, first Baghawi’s life and commentary are introduced. Later, the extraction and authenticity of the 16 narrations that the author conveyed while interpreting the surah were evaluated. The narrations have been researched in al-Kutub al-Tis'a and other reliable hadith books, especially Sharhu's-sunnah and Masâbihu's-sunnah. Based on the opinions of critics and scholars, the authenticity values of the narrations have been revealed. According to our findings, 12 of the 16 narrations were narrated with isnad and 4 without isnad. While 12 of the narrations are located only in Sharhu's-sunnah, 9 of them are only included in Masâbihu's-sunnah. The remaining 4 narrations are not included in either of his works. The distribution of the narrations in terms of the main hadith sources they are included in is as follows: 15 out of 16 narrations are located in al-Kutub al-Tis'a. 5 of these are in Bukhari, 7 in Muslim, 4 in Abu Dawud, 6 in Tirmidhi, 2 in Nasai, 2 in Ibn Majah, 1 in Darimi and 1 in Malik b. Anas’s Muwatta’ and 10 of them in Ahmed b. Hanbel. In terms of the end of the isnad, 1 is kudsî and 15 is marfû‘. In terms of authenticity, out of 16 narrations, 10 are sahih, 3 of which are muttefakun aleyh, 2 are hasan and 4 are weak. (shrink)

Bu çalışma İbn Sînâ (ö. 428/1037) felsefesinde mantıkî tümelin tümel olmak bakımından değerine ve Gazzâlî’nin (ö. 505/1111) mantıkî tümel bağlamında İbn Sînâ’ya yönelttiği eleştirilere odaklanmaktadır. Bu iki düşünürün tümel ve tümel türlerini nasıl açıkladıklarına değinip, onların düşünce sisteminde tümelin tekabül ettiği manayı ortaya koyarak Gazzâlî’nin İbn Sînâ’ya yönelttiği eleştirilerinin felsefi analizi yapılmaktadır. Buna göre İbn Sînâ tümelin üç türünden bahsetmektedir. Bu tümeller tabiî, aklî ve mantıkî olarak üç türe ayrılır. Bu tümeller arasındaki ilişkiyse zâtî bir ilişkiye dayanır. Bu türden ilişkiyi (...) belirleyen ve ilke veren ise tümellerin dışında olmak zorundadır. Ona göre tümellerin anlamını ve tümel türleri arasındaki zâtî ilişkiyi varlık kavramı belirlemektedir. Bu bakımdan aklî tümel tabiî tümelin makulü; aklî tümel mantıkî tümelin lazımı olabilir. Öyleyse İbn Sînâ’da tümel kavramı varlığa ilişkindir. Gazzâlî’de ise tümelin üç türünden bahsedebiliriz. O tümelin türlerini isimlendirmez ama onları betimleyerek birbirinden ayırır. Onun ayrımında ise ortaklık kavramı bilfiil ve bilkuvve olmak bakımından ele alınır ve bu kavramsal ayrımlardan hareketle varlık taksim edilir. Bu bakımdan İbn Sînâ’nın tümellere yüklediği anlam ile Gazzâlî’nin tümellere yüklediği anlam arasında arızî bir ayrımdan söz edemeyiz. Bunun tam aksine iki düşünürünün tümellere yüklediği anlam arasında zâtî bir farklılık vardır. Bu ayrılıktan hareketle Gazzâlî’nin İbn Sînâ’ya yönelttiği eleştiriler de zâtî bir nitelik arz etmektedir. Gazzâlî’nin İbn Sînâ’ya yönelttiği eleştirilerin en açık göstergelerinden biri onun mantıkî tümele yüklediği anlam ve mantıkî tümel bağlamında verdiği örnekte yatmaktadır. Gazzâlî mantıkî tümeli bilkuvve ve bilfiil olmak bakımından ortaklığı kabul etmeyen mana olarak ele alarak ondaki ortaklığı ise tasdiğe konu olan şeyin dışında bir nedene bağlamaktadır. İbn Sînâ, Gazzâlî’nin mantıkî tümele yüklediği anlamın, söylenmenin tasdikin dışında olması hususuna katılmakla beraber tasavvura konu olmayı açıkça vurgulamaktadır. Gazzâlî ise İbn Sînâ’nın bu gönderimini göz ardı etmiş ve mantıkî tümel bağlamında verdiği “İlah” örneğinden hareketle İbn Sînâ’nın bunu kabul edeceğini vurgulamıştır. Halbuki İbn Sînâ’nın felsefi sisteminde “İlah” lafzının tasavvura konu olması mümkün değildir. Çünkü “İlah” tasavvur edilmez ama idrak edilir. Ona göre tasavvura konu olanlar bilkuvve çokluk barındırır. Ama “İlah” lafzı ancak zorunlu varlık olması bakımından tasavvurun konusu olmaya elverişli değildir. Bu bakımdan Gazzâlî’nin eleştirilerinin beş sanat bakımından cedelî mi yoksa safsata mı olduğu analiz edilebilir. Gazzâlî’nin hem mantıkî tümele yüklediği anlam hem de bu anlam için verdiği örnekler onun eleştirilerinin safsata türünden olduğunun zâtî niteliğini teşkil etmektedir. (shrink)

En este artículo sostengo que el principio del daño es un mecanismo que tiene como objetivo lograr un equilibrio entre el juicio individual y la estabilidad social. Argumentaré que no apoyo la afirmación de que el principio del daño puede interpretarse de una manera paternalista y, en cambio, sostengo que el propósito del principio de daño, según lo previsto por John Stuart Mill, es engendrar progreso social. Es por eso que el énfasis de Mill, a menudo, cambia de la libertad (...) individual al control social. Al contrario de lo que afirman algunos estudiosos, esto no es el resultado de una inconsistencia en su pensamiento, sino que se deriva de su enfoque sobre el progreso social. (shrink)

Yüzyıllardan beri Türk ve İslâm dünyasının fikir ve edebiyat çevrelerinde işlene gelmiş önemli konulardan biri de tasavvuf konusudur. Bu konuda verilen eserlerden biri de Erzincan, Kemaliye (Eğin) doğumlu mutasavvıf, şair Mustafa Fevzi Efendi (1871-1924) tarafından manzum biçimde yazılan Risâle-i Miratüş-Şühûd fî-Meseleti Vahdetil-Vücûd adlı eserdir. Bu eserde, şeriat, tarikat, hakikat ve marifetin ne olduğu ele alınmıştır. Gerçek ve Hak dostları ile yalancı ve sahtekâr taklitçilerin özellikleri anlatılmaktadır.

This article presents a comparative analysis of the views on plants in Ps. Aristotle namely Nicolaos of Damascus and Avicenna, examining the distinct philosophical frameworks each thinker employs to understand the nature of plants. The representative work of the Aristotelian tradition, De Plantis, offers a naturalistic perspective, focusing on biological processes such as growth, nourishment, and reproduction. (T)his approach is empirical, categorizing plants as distinct from animals but still subject to similar material causes within the natural order. The Aristotelian framework, (...) emphasizing observable processes, laid the foundation for subsequent studies in plant biology. In contrast, Avicenna builds upon Aristotelian ideas, introducing a metaphysical dimension. In his Kitab al-Nabat, Avicenna posits the existence of the “vegetative soul” as a guiding principle that governs plant growth, while also reflecting divine intelligence and cosmic order. Avicenna’s metaphysical and theological insights distinguish his approach from Aristotelian naturalism, positioning plants as both biological entities and manifestations of divine wisdom. This article highlights how the intellectual development of botany and the history of philosophy has been shaped by the synthesis of Aristotelian empirical naturalism and Avicenna’s metaphysical synthesis. The comparison reveals the continued relevance of these two perspectives in contemporary debates in the philosophy of biology, particularly in reconciling material causality with higher principles of existence. (shrink)

Recent studies in the History of Botany put forth that the books translated to and authored in Arabic have circulated from the East of the Caspian Sea, to the centre of Iberian Peninsula, strengthening the ‘traditional uses’ of plants and alike. An ancient genre of writing called the ‘book on the Materia medica’ was especially the most favourite in Medieval Islamic Geography. In these books, algae have been mentioned among the kinds of medicinal plants. In this study, I investigate several (...) Materia medica books among which I shall first focus on Avicenna’s Canon of Medicine, then have a look at Aliboron’s Book of Pharmacy since these two were contemporary sources from the 11th century. I shall also investigate two illustrated sources, an Arabic copy of Dioscorides’ Materia Medica and al-Ghafiqi’s Book on Simple Drugs, both from the 13th century. In doing so, on the one hand, I will be able to compare the drawings of algae, and on the other I will shed light on the transfer of knowledge on algae. These two methods will result in the textual apparatus and the illustrative apparatus in my study. (shrink)

Sosyal medya, insanları alış veriş alışkanlıklarından yatırım kararlarına kadar birçok ticari niyetleri üzerinde yüksek etki düzeyi olduğu güncel birçok çalışmada araştırılmaya başlanmıştır ve bu ilişki ortaya konmuştur. Bu ilişki üzerine inşa edilerek geliştirilen güncel analiz yöntemleri yatırım araçlarının gelecek değerlerini tahmin ederek yatırım kararları almada bir destek mekanizması olarak kullanılması çok cazip bir konudur. Bu sebeple bu ilişki yatırımcı ve analistlerden akademisyenlere kadar güncel bir ilgi konusu olmuştur. Bu çalışmanın amacı da sosyal medya ile yatırım kararları arasındaki ilişkiyi metinsel ve (...) finansal analiz aracılığı ile görmeye çalışmaktır. Bu çalışmada Twitter üzerinden metin madenciliği ile veri çekilmiş ve sentiment(duygu) analizi ile yorumların olumlu ya da olumsuz olma durumu incelenmiştir. Sentiment analizinden elde edilen sayısal değerler ile güncel ve küresel bir yatırım aracı olan Bitcoin fiyatları arasındaki ilişkinin varlığını sorgulamak adına Granger Nedensellik analizi gibi finansal analizler kullanılmıştır. (shrink)

The concubines, with whom the sultans lived a family life, were classified according to a certain hierarchy in the Harem. The first wives of the sultan and those who gave birth were called Kadınefendi. The other wives with a lower status than the Kadınefendi wives were called Ikbal Hanımefendi. According to Islamic law, marriage with a concubine is not like a marriage with a free woman. If a marriage is desired, the concubine must be freed. Until the 19th century, sultans (...) did not marry their concubines for a few exceptions. In the 19th century, the legal status of concubines in the Ottoman Empire became controversial. The countries of origine changed when the Ottoman Empire was unable to conquer new territory. Consequently, the enslavement procedure of prisoners of war disappeared. Instead, Caucasian immigrants, who had to leave their homeland mainly due to the Russian attacks, gave their daughters to the Ottoman palace so that they would not suffer misery and could reach important positions in the future. Among these were orphans from poor families as well as those from noble Caucasian dynasties. Even though the young women in the palace were called concubines, at least some of them were free/Muslim persons. This meant, that they could not be enslaved according to Islamic law. Although there was no problem for those who served in the palace, a remarkable situation emerged for the would-be spouses of the sultan. Could a woman from a free and Muslim family be the sultan's wife without a marriage bond? Was the limitation of the Kadınefendi numbers to four (in times of Sultan Abdülaziz) due to the Islamic law principle, that a man could marry maximum four wives? Was there a marriage ceremony (nikāh) for Kadınefendi wives? What was the situation of the Ikbal? Satisfactory answers to these questions have not been given yet. However, there are no official records it was claimed that lately sultans married especially their concubines who were Abkhaz descendants and included them among their wives in this way, because they were free and Muslims. Thus, the matter whether Sultan Abdülhamid II's wives were concubines or wedded became the subject of some research today. Memoires claim that almost all of Sultan Abdülhamid's wives were free and of Muslim origin. According to this, it was said that the wives of Sultan Abdülhamid could not have the status of the concubine and that their relationship should have been by marriage. On the other hand, considering that a maximum of four women can be married according to Islamic law, the marriage of the Sultan, who had thirteen wives, raised juristic questions. This problem was most clearly seen in the inheritance case filed by his heirs after the death of Sultan Abdülhamid. In this case, where it was claimed that Sultan Abdülhamid was married to nine wives, no objection was made to that claim. In this study, information about the wives of Sultan Abdülhamid and their legal status was tried to be determined through the documents related to their salaries during the 2nd Constitutional Era. Besides, the issue of nine wedded women, which emerged in the case of Sultan Abdülhamid's inheritance, was evaluated in terms of fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence). Sultan Abdülhamid was never accused of marriages contrary to Islamic law by his opponents during and after his reign. From this point of view, it can be said that there was no situation contrary to Islamic law regarding the Sultan's harem at that time. This might be due to three possibilities: Firstly, some wives have concealed the truth in the court, which is the weakest possibility according to the data obtained. Secondly, the talaq (divorcement) was hidden by Sultan Abdülhamid and his wives were not aware of it. This possibility has been found to be problematic when evaluated in terms of Hanafi fiqh. Thirdly, the practice of al-nikāh al-tanazzuhī (marriage performed in order to avoid from fornication). Considering the correspondence between the state departments in the period starting with the 2nd Constitutional Monarchy and until the Republic, it is clear that the Kadınefendis were regarded as married wives (their number was limited to four), while the Ikbals were regarded as concubines. From this point of view, it is thought that the most plausible possibility is that the Ikbals were regarded as concubines and their marriages were al-nikāh al-tanazzuhī. (shrink)

Bu çalışma Osmanlı Devleti’nin Kıbrıs Adası’nı fethi ile özgürlüğünü yeniden kazanmış olan Kıbrıs Rum Ortodoks Kilisesi’nin, İngiliz idaresi döneminde yaşamış olduğu iki siyasi kilise krizini konu etmektedir. İngilizlerin Kıbrıs’ta idaresi iki döneme ayrılmaktadır. Birincisi 1878 yılında Osmanlı Devleti ile yapılan iki maddelik antlaşma kapsamında 1914 yılına kadar devam eden ve adanın fiilen Osmanlı toprağı olarak kabul edildiği dönem; ikincisi ise 1914 yılında İngiltere’nin adayı tek taraflı ilhakından 1960 yılında Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti’nin kurulmasına kadar olan dönemdir. İngiliz idaresi döneminde gerçekleşmiş olan kilise (...) krizlerinin ilki 1900-1910 yılları arasında Kitium Piskoposu Kyrillos Papadopoulos ile Girne Piskoposu Kyrillos Basileiou arasında gerçekleşmiştir. İkincisi ise 1933-1947 yılları arasında Baf Metropoliti Leontios Leontiou’nun 1931 isyanları sebebiyle ada dışında sürgünde olan metropolitlerin adaya dönmeden seçim yapılamayacağını beyan etmesi sebebiyle gerçekleşmiştir. Kıbrıs Rum Ortodoks Kilisesi otosefal bir kilise olması sebebiyle iç işlerine diğer kiliseleri karıştırmak istememiş, ancak çıkmaza giren piskoposluk seçimi nedeniyle müdahale kaçınılmaz olmuştur. Bugüne kadar siyasetteki etkisi var olagelen Kıbrıs Rum Ortodoks Kilisesi, 20. Yüzyılın henüz başında geçirmiş olduğu kilise krizlerini ancak siyasetin etkisi ve yardımıyla aşabilmiştir. Kıbrıs’ta ilk Yunan bayrağı birinci kilise krizi döneminde bir taraftar toplama çalışması olarak II. Kyrillos (Kyrillos Papadopoulos) tarafından Trooditissa Manastırı’na çekilmiştir. Ancak Kıbrıs Adası’nın ne daha önceki dönemlerde ne de şimdi Yunanistan ile hiçbir bağı yoktur. Kıbrıs Adası’nda yaşayan Rumlar ile Yunanistan arasında bir bağ oluşturmaya çalışan ve bunu iddia eden de yine kilisedir. Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti birinci Cumhurbaşkanı III. Makarios’un başpiskopos seçilmesine giden süreçte bahsedilen iki kilise krizi büyük önem taşımaktadır. Bu dönemde başpiskopos adayları arasında, rakip adaya karşı Enosis’i ateşli bir şekilde savunmamak, İngiliz idaresine fazla yakın olmak gibi suçlamalar olmuştur. III. Makarios hem ateşli bir şekilde Enosis’i savunmuş, hem de İngiliz idaresi ile her zaman çatışma halinde olmuştur. Bu süreç ona önce başpiskoposluk, sonrasında ise Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı getirmiştir. Kıbrıs’ta zikri geçen dönemde özellikle ön plana çıkan Türk düşmanlığı, başpiskopos olmanın ilk şartı sayılmıştır. Şöyleki; İngilizler adayı tek taraflı ilhak ettikten sonra İngilizlerin adayı kendilerine bırakacağına neredeyse emin olan Rum Ortodoks Kilisesi başpiskoposları, önce İngiliz idaresi düşmanlığı, sonra Türk düşmanlığı üzerinden kilise propagandası yapmışlardır. Çalışmada otosefal bir kilise olan Kıbrıs Rum Ortodoks Kilisesi’nin, kilise içi anlaşmazlıklardaki tavrı ile kilise kurallarına bağlılığı da ele alınmaktadır. Enosis düşüncesinin piskoposluk seçimine etkisinin daha net görüleceği bu iki kriz, kilisenin bugününü anlamak açısından oldukça önemlidir. (shrink)

İsrā’iliyyat which is the narration material passed on to Islam from other religions and cultures, primarily Judaism and Christianity has been one of the topics discussed especially within the frame of tafsir discipline throughout the fourteen centuries of Islamic history. While these narrations were used as one of the sources of information without being subjected to a normative evaluation in the early day tafsirs, they have been started to be criticized emphasizing mainly on the weakness of their imputation in the (...) classical tafsirs. When it was reached to the modern era, with the effect of movements of thoughts such as Western originated positivism, rationalism, and historical criticism, and orientalist allegations. İsrā’iliyyat has been criticized rather content-wise, reviewed as unreal, imaginary, mythological story-type narrations mixed with superstitions. As a result of these criticisms, both a distance has been kept from İsrā’iliyyat and also alternatives to it have been pursued. Although in the modern-day tafsirs, it has been consulted to the Bible as the strongest alternative to İsrā’iliyyat, this situation has made way for many debates, and it has dwelled on other alternatives than that. These points mentioned are valid for Tunisian scholar Tāhir İbn ʿĀshūr’s (1879-1973) tafsir named al-Tahrīr wa’t-Tanwīr, too. An important feature of this tafsir is that although it has been looked kindly upon İsrā’ili narrations within the frame of certain criteria, it has been criticized in general. The writer has developed alternatives to İsrā’ili narrations without complimenting them as much as possible. Among these alternatives, while he prioritized the Bible narrations, he didn’t settle for this and he headed for other alternatives, too. In this study, it has been emphasized on methods of text-centered commentary, socio-psychologic commentary, and foresight-based commentary, which İbn ʿĀshūr used as an alternative to İsrā’iliyyat from time to time. It has been seen that the writer developed stronger and farther-from-a-debate-ground methods compared to İsrā’iliyyat and used these methods successfully in this way. It has come to the conclusion that in the case of these methods being used in Qura’ân parables accurately, they can be an important alternative to İsrā’iliyyat. (shrink)

Air pollutants pose a threat to biodiversity throughout the world. This study was conducted to evaluate atmospheric element accumulation in Isparta city, including Gölcük Nature Park, located in the Western Mediterranean Region of Turkey. It is aimed to determine the air quality and potential pollutant sources in the region through lichen biomonitoring. Specimens of the epiphytic foliose lichen Physcia aipolia (Erh. ex Humb.) Fürnr. were sampled from 14 sites in the study area and analyzed by ICP-MS with reference material in (...) order to detect 11 trace elements; Al, As, Cd, Cr, Cu, Fe, Mn, Ni, Pb, V, and Zn. The spatial distribution of these airborne elements in the study area was mapped. The results showed that the elemental sequence in terms of average concentrations measured was as follows: Ni >Cr >V >Fe >As >Al >Zn >Cu> >Cd >Mn >Pb. The results of cluster analyses of the elemental data indicated that the 3 major contaminants in the urban area were Cr, Ni, and V, probably due to the extensive use of coal in heating facilities and gasoline in vehicles. P. aipolia specimens accumulated maximal concentrations of As, Cr, Fe, Ni, and V in the northern and the southeastern localities surrounding the city, while Cd, Pb were most abundant in the eastern edge of Gölcük Nature Park. The pollution in Isparta city with heavy metal is worse than expected, mostly due to the extensive use of coal as fossil fuel. In addition, it seems to be associated with the city's topographic and climatic characteristics, e.g. inversion effects. (shrink)

The reception of the translations of Aristotelian and pseudo-Aristotelian works at the University of Paris in the thirteenth century promoted a new understanding of the sciences as specialized fields of knowledge. The huge amount of translations required a new organization of knowledge, which included novel subjects and categories. Among these there is a very special case, namely the pseudo-Aristotelian De plantis, translated from Arabic into Latin and then back into Greek to be re-translated into Latin again. De plantis was included (...) in the new curriculum in Ripoll 109, and constituted the main source for botanical studies until the sixteenth century. Throughout this paper we will explore the reception and impact of De plantis in both the Arabic and the Latin traditions. We aim to show its foundational role in the development of botany as a theoretical discipline within the natural sciences. (shrink)

Avrupa Fetva Meclisi, çoğu Batı’da ikame eden hem şerî delilleri hem de vâkıayı bilen kıymetli âlimleri bünyesinde toplamış ilmi bir müessesedir. 1997 yılında Yûsuf el-Karadâvî’nin (1926-2022) başkanlığında kurulmuştur. Bu tarihten itibaren özellikle de Batı’da yaşayan müslümanları ilgilendiren ve müslüman ülkelerde gözlemlenen problemlerden ciddi manada farklılaşan önemli fıkhî meseleleri gündemine taşımış, ürettiği çözümlerle hem oradan yaşayan hem de benzer problemlerle yüzleşen Müslümanlar için referans niteliğinde karar ve fetvalara imza atarak, kendisine başvurulan ilmi bir merci haline gelmiştir. Kuruluşundan günümüze Meclis’in yapısını konu (...) edinen ve genel ya da aile hukuku veya muamelat gibi, özel bazı meseleler bağlamında izlediği fetva yöntemine ilişkin farklı dillerde bazıları akademik tarzda pek çok çalışma yapılmıştır. Meclis, 2023 yılında İstanbul’da icra ettiği toplantısını bu tarihe kadar yaptığı çalışmalar ve kendisine yöneltilen tenkitlere hasretmiş, toplantıda Meclis’i farklı yönleriyle değerlendiren çok sayıda bildiri sunulmuştur. Bu çalışma da aynı gayeye hizmet etmek maksadıyla Meclis’in fetvalarını neşrederken izlediği metodu, fıkıh ve fetva usulü kuralları bağlamında eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla değerlendirmek üzere kaleme alınmıştır. Değerlendirme, fetvanın muteber sayılabilmesi için müftüde aranan ilmi ehliyet ve adalet şartlarıyla sınırlandırılmıştır. Bu bağlamda öncelikle fıkıh meclislerinin fıkıh ilmine yaptığı katkıdan bahseden bir giriş yapılmış, ardından Meclisle ilgili tanıtıcı kısa bir malumat verilerek, “ekalliyyât fıkhı” olarak da bilinen alanda doldurduğu boşluk başta olmak üzere, diğer fıkıh meclislerinden olumlu yönde ayrıldığı hususiyetlerine değinilmiştir. Fetvanın kabul edilmesi için gerekli şartlar meşhur usul kitaplarıyla iktifa edilerek tahlil edilerek aktarılmış, Meclis’in neşrettiği fetva ve kararların bu kurallara uygunluğu tartışılarak, diğer fıkıh meclisleriyle mukayese imkânı oluşturabilmek için onlar tarafından neşredilmiş karar ve fetvalara da yer verilmiştir. Çalışmanın sonucunda Meclisin, karar ve fetvaların kimler tarafından alındığını ilan etmemek suretiyle kriter olarak belirlenen fetva usulü kurallarına riâyet etmediği anlaşılmış, diğer fıkıh meclislerinin de çoğunlukla aynı problemle malul olduğu sonucuna varılmıştır. Çalışma, tespit edilen problemlerin çözümü için bazı tavsiyelerin de yer aldığı bir sonuçla tamamlanmıştır. Çalışmanın, ulaştığı sonuçlarla fetva müesseselerinin bu faaliyeti icra ederken fetva usulü çerçevesinde hareket etmelerine rehberlik edecek ölçüler ortaya koymak suretiyle alana katkı sağlaması umulmaktadır. Bunun yanında, hangi isimle anılırsa anılsın kurumsal olarak fetva neşreden müesseselerin, özelde ise Avrupa Fetva Meclisi’nin kararlarıyla amel eden ya da karar ve fetvalarını esas alarak fetva veren veya çalışmalarında istifade eden araştırmacı ve müftülerde farkındalık oluşturması ümit edilmektedir. (shrink)

The fact that the mystical experience is a repetitive phenomenon in different social, cultural and religious structures in different periods and has a mysterious element in it has caused that mysticism has taken its place among the basic subjects of the field since the first periods of psychology of religion. One of the sections of The Varieties of Religious Experience, which is regarded as the main source of the area, is mysticism. In general, "mystical experience" is considered as a subcategory (...) of "religious experience", which is a wider area. For this reason, it also carries the characteristics of religious experience. Due to these common features, it can be seen that they are used in place of each other in the literature. If the religious experience is defined as the experience of the individual at the time of encounter with the sacred, such experience can be obtained in two ways. In the “religion-based mystical experience”, which is the first way, institutional or established religious thoughts and understandings and holly writings are influential. The second way, “non-religious or natural mystical experience”, can be said to be spiritual quests that individual needs play an important role in them are effective. Personality is used as one of the basic variables in social and health sciences in general, and in psychology because it is among the main subjects in particular. The common emphasis of research on personality is that the phenomenon is extremely complicated. Despite its widespread use, the abstraction of the concept has been influenced by the diversity of the researchers' perspectives and this has led to a lack of clear consensus on the definition. However, in order to investigate the phenomenon in recent periods, dimensional approaches that their basic assumption is personality can be categorized under certain factors have begun to be preferred. In this study, HEXACO was used, because it was thought that it could make a more detailed measurement of personality. The sample of this study is composed of 345 students studying at Erciyes University Theology Faculty in 2017-2018 academic year. When looked at the gender distribution of the sample, the rate of male students was 21.2% (n=73); and the rate of female students was 78.8% (n=272). This reflects the current situation in the faculty. The average age was 21,13 (sd=1,761). The age range is 18-26. Class distribution was 23,5% (n = 81) in Preparatory class; 15.4% (n = 53) in first-grade; 19.4% (n = 67) in second-grade; 18.3% (n=63) in third grade (n = 63); and 23.5% (n = 81) in the fourth grade. It has been noted that distributions are homogeneous in terms of class variables. The "Mystical Experience Scale" which is developed by Ralph W. Hood to measure the criteria which are offered by Walter T. Stace and which must be in the mystical experience has been used in determining the tendency of mystical experience. Hood et al. have reported reasonable reliabilities for subscales based on 3-factor solution. Alpha coefficients of the original scale were ,76, ,69, and ,76 for the extrovertive mysticism, introvertive mysticism and religious interpretation respectively. The adaptation of the scale to Turkish culture and the validity and reliability study were carried out by Mehmet Süheyl Unal as a graduate thesis and it was stated that the Alpha coefficient was ,89. In this study, the Cronbach Alpha reliability coefficient of scale is ,91. HEXACO, developed by Lee and Ashton, was used to determine personality traits. The scale was adapted to Turkish by Wasti, Lee, Ashton and Somer. The scale consists of Honesty-humility (H), Emotionality (E), eXtraversion (X), Agreeableness (A), Conscientiousness (C), and Openness to experience (O) factors. Pearson Moments Multiplication Correlation Analysis was performed to determine if there is a relationship between mystical experience tendencies and personality traits when the data were analyzed in accordance with the aim of the study. Later, it was tried to determine the power of explaining the variables with Multiple Linear Regression Analysis. In addition, One-way ANOVA was used to determine whether there was any relationship between significance levels. Moreover, descriptive statistics of relevant variables are included in the study. Findings show that participants have the highest average to Positive Affect (m=3,69; sd.=,77) and the lowest average to Temporal/Spatial Quality (m=2,94; sd.=,89) factor in terms of mystical experience. Additively, they obtained close values in Ego Quality, Noetic Quality and Ineffability factors. When the students were evaluated in terms of gender, it was seen that there was a difference in level of significance only in terms of Unifying Quality (t=1,770; p=,028). ANOVA analysis was carried out to determine whether there was any variation in class variable. As a result of this analysis, it is seen that all of the factors are significantly differentiated in terms of class variable. From the standing point of class variable, it is seen that the first grades differed negatively compared to the other classes. According to the data, the scores on the mystical experience scale for preparation and first grade are high while the averages for the next grade are falling. There is no difference on level of significance between age and mystical experience factors, the last independent variable. When looked at the correlations among mystical experience factors, it is understood that all of the factors are in a meaningful relationship with each other. The highest correlation is between Religious Quality and Ineffability (r=,661); the lowest correlation is between the Unifying Quality and the Temporal/Spatial Quality (r=,346). Among the six factors of HEXACO that have been developed to determine the personality traits, the students have the highest average on Humility-Honesty (m=3,76; sd.=,55); the lowest average on eXtraversion (m=3,04; sd.=0,65). In terms of gender, there is a statistically significant difference in factors of Humility-Honesty (t=,606; p=,004), Emotionality (t=,334; p=,000), and Constientiousness (t=,022; p=,033). There is no significant difference between class and age variables and personality traits. According to Linear Regression analysis, Agreeableness, Constientiousness and Openness to Experience factors of personality traits are predictive of mystical experience in a significant level statistically. Personality dimensions that are most related to mystical experience as a result of analysis are Conscientiousness and Openness to Experience. When the mystical experience is compared with the personality traits, it is concluded that Openness to Experience factor is related to all the factors of the mystical experience except for the Ineffability. Although the relationship is regarded as weak in terms of correlation, it is an important finding that there are positive relations in between. In other words, as personality traits evolve, the mystical experience level also increases. The lack of a similar work in the literature in this respect removes the possibility of making comparisons. (shrink)

Osmanlının son dönemleri ve Cumhuriyetin ilk yıllarında değişik eğitim kurumlarında kelam ilmi dersleri veren Arapkirli Hüseyin Avni, Mâtürîdî gelenekten gelmesine rağmen Eş’ari geleneğin önemli bir kolu olan felsefî-kelamın da son dönem önemli temsilcilerindendir. Bu çalışmada Hüseyin Avni’nin bilgi anlayışı, kendi eserleri temel alınarak ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır.Hüseyin Avni, yapılan birçok bilgi tanımını eleştirmiştir. Mâtürîdî’ye ait olan tanımın güzel bir tanım olduğunu vurgulamıştır. Kendisi ise bilgi ile ilgili bir tanım denemesi yapmamıştır. Daha ziyade felsefe kelam tartışmalarının ve birbirlerine karşı reddiyelerin gündeme getirildiği (...) tehâfüt geleneğine benzer bir bilgi tasnifi yapmaktadır.Bilginin kaynakları konusunda kelam geleneğine tam bir bağlılıkla bilginin kaynaklarının üç olduğunu belirtir. Bunların duyular, haber ve akıl olduğunu söyler. Bu kaynakların her birinin ayrı alanla ilgili bilgiler getirdiğini ve bu bilgilerin güvenilebilir kesin bilgiler olduğunu söyler. Duyuları tek tek ele alan Hüseyin Avni, kelamcıların kabul ettiği beş dış duyunun yanında İslam Filozoflarının kabul ettiği beş iç duyuya da yer vererek felsefî kelamın izlerini yansıtmaktadır. Haber konusuna özellikle de doğru haber konusuna değinerek resulün haberi ile daha ziyade hadisleri kastettiğini görmekteyiz. İlhamın sübjektif oluşu dolayısıyla kelamda delil olamayacağını belirtirken akıl hususunda hem kelamcıların hem de filozofların kabullerine yer vermektedir. (shrink)

Kur’an-ı Kerim, dili ve üslubu açısından diğer kitaplardan farklı bir özelliğe sahip olması münasebetiyle hicrî ilk asırdan itibaren çeşitli araştırmalara konu olmuştur. Özellikle kime veya neye delalet ettiği belirsiz olan müphem hususların ve zamirlerin tayininde tefsirin sistemleşme döneminden itibaren eserler telif edilmiştir. Söz konusu belirsizlikler, tefsir ilminin gelişim sürecinden sistemleşme dönemine kadar özel bir ilgi alanı olarak ortaya çıkmış ve tarihi süreç içerisinde artan bir ilgi görmüştür. Ancak, bu alandaki araştırmaların daha sağlıklı sonuçlar verebilmesi için klasik yöntem ve kaynakların yanında (...) bağlamsal bilgiyi dikkate alan yöntemler ve okumalar da gereklidir. Kur’an ilimlerinde müphem hususların konusu olan zamirlerin mercii sorunu da bu çerçevede ele alınabilir. Araştırmamızın konusunu oluşturan Bakara sûresinin 146. ayeti ve En‘âm sûresinin 20. ayetinde bulunan zamirlerdeki belirsizlik bu konudaki örnekler arasında sayılabilir. Her iki ayetin de bizim araştırmamıza konu olan kısmı, aynı ifadelerle zikredilmektedir. Bu ayetlerdeki müphemlik, Ehl-i kitabın kendi evlatlarını bildikleri gibi aynı şekilde tanıyıp bildikleri şeyin belirsizliğidir. Mealen “Onu çok iyi bilmektedirler” ifadesinde geçen zamirin tam olarak neye atıfta bulunduğu konusunda müfessirler arasında farklı görüşler ve gerekçelendirmeler ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu görüşlerin ve yorumların dayanakları, tefsir geleneğinde bir taraftan müphemlik kültürünün mümkün kıldığı anlam zenginliğine katkıda bulunurken, diğer taraftan tercih zorluğunu ortaya çıkaran ikilemlere neden olmuştur. Çalışmada, müfessirlerin zamirlerin referans noktasına dair görüşleri sadece sınıflandırılmakla yetinilmemiş, aynı zamanda Bakara ve En‘âm sûrelerinde geçen söz konusu ifadelerin aynı manaya gelme imkanı tartışılmıştır. Zira zikredilen zamirlerin içerisinde bulunduğu her iki ayet de aynı ifadelerden oluşmaktadır. Lafzî müteşâbih olarak adlandırılan bu durum, zamirlerin de aynı mercii karşılayabileceği ihtimalini barındırmaktadır. Bu yüzden makalede müfessirlerin görüşleri tercihlerin gerekçeleri bakımından da incelenmektedir. Aynı şekilde tefsir kitâbiyatında var olan bu görüşler, müfessirlerin kronolojisi dikkate alınarak liste halinde sunulmuştur. Bu sayede zamirlerin anlamına dair tercihlerde tefsir tarihinin farklı dönemlerinde kronolojik değişimlerin var olup olmadığı ortaya konulmuştur. Ayrıca zamirlerin isnadının belirlenmesinde ya da ihtilafları oluşturan görüşlerin gerekçelendirilmesinde bağlamsal bilgilerin nasıl bir rol oynadığı da örneklerle ele alınmaktadır. Bu sayede çalışmada genelde Kur’an’ı anlamada daha özelde ise zamirlerin isnadının tespitinde bağlam bilgisinin fonksiyonu somut bir şekilde görülebilecektir. (shrink)

Temel olarak Yahudilik ve Hıristiyanlıkta teşekkül ettirilen Mesih kavramı bu makalenin ana temasıdır. Daha ziyade insani kaygılarla çerçevesi çizilen bu kavrama birçok kültürde rastlanmakla birlikte bunun, yalnızca ahit geleneği diyebileceğimiz Yahudilikten başlayıp Müslümanlığa doğru kronolojik bir perspektifte ele alınması temel amaçtır. Bu süreçte, özellikle Yahudi ve Hıristiyan toplulukların karşılaştığı ciddi sorunlar neticesinde Mesih anlayışının ne tür bir evrimleşme geçirdiği, vahiy geleneğinin son halkası olan Kur’an-ı Kerim’in ise söz konusu serüvene ilişkin yaklaşımı ve nasıl bir tasavvuru salık verdiği anlaşılmaya gayret edilecektir. (...) Sonuç itibariyle insan tabiatının görmezden gelinerek iradi ve ameli bir varoluşun önünün alınmasına önemli bir örnek olarak Mesih kavramının kullanıldığı düşünülmektedir. (shrink)

Bu çalışma, İlkokul 4. Sınıflarda okutulmak üzere Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı, Talim Terbiye Kurulu Başkanlığı tarafından 28.05.2018 tarih ve 78 kurul kararıyla 2018-2019 yılından itibaren 5 yıl süreyle ders kitabı olarak kabul edilen Barış Pınarbaşı’nın yazdığı, Ankara-2019 baskılı Tutku yayıncılıkça yayınlanan kitabı ele almaktadır. Çalışmamız sözü edilen ders kitabını görsel tasarım, içerik, dil ve anlatım ile eğitsel tasarımı oluşturan kazanımlar, öğretme-öğrenme süreci açısından değerlendirmektedir. Bir inancın öğrenilmesi, benimsenmesi ve birey tarafından yaşama geçirilmesinde öncelik, inanmanın iknaya dayalı olmasına bağlıdır. Bu ise ancak (...) düzenli, sistematik ve bireyin gelişimine uygun bir eğitim yürütmekle mümkün olabilir. Bu durum, bireyin gelişim evrelerini bilmeyi, öğretim materyalini ona uygun bir biçimde düzenlemeyi zorunlu kılmaktadır. Eğitim ve öğretimden beklenen hedef ve kazanımların gerçekleşmesi de buna bağlıdır. Elde edilen bulgulara göre 4. Sınıf DKAB ders kitabının tasarımında; tu-tarlılık, sayfa düzeni, görsel materyaller, yazı türü, yazı boyutu, yazı stili ve vurgulama araçlarının kullanımı gibi faktörlerin yeterince dikkate alınmadığı görülmüştür. Ders Kitabının dil ve anlatım yönünden öğrencinin bireysel öğrenmesine katkı sağlayacak yeterliliği konusunda sorunlu olduğu anlaşılmıştır. Ders kitabında sınıf düzeyine uygun olmayan bazı zorlayıcı metinler de yer almıştır. 4. sınıfta yoğun olarak bilgi verici metinlerin verilmesi, öğrencilerin okuduklarını anlama performansı, öğrencinin akademik başarısında kritik bir role sahiptir. Bu nedenle incelediğimiz ders kitabı hedef yaş için okuduğunu anlama, bir metnin ana fikrini belirleme, bilgiler arasında ilişki kurabilme yeterliğine sahip olabilme seviyesiyle kısmen uyumludur. (shrink)

Şevket Özcan tarafından kaleme alınan Kutsalın Eşiğinde Din Fenomenolojisi adlı kitabın tanıtımıdır.

The existence of ‘human-like’ attributes and actions in the Qur’an and Hebrew Bible entails to various interpretations towards anthropomorphic verses among the Muslim and Jewish counterparts. Al-Ghazali and Maimonides in their discourses strongly affirmed the unity of God and refuted anthropomorphism. Therefore, this study expounded al-Ghazali and Maimonides’ methods in affirming the incorporeality of God through outlining the similarities and differences in their interpretation. This study was qualitative in nature which analyses writings of al-Ghazali and Maimonides in encountering anthropomorphism. It (...) can be deduced that both scholars were found to be employing allegorical interpretation with different level of interpretations in their attempts to repudiate the corporeal form of God. Alternatively, they both agree on the literalist’s approach with conditions that one must not perceive God’s essence in a bodily figure. Consequently, believing so will lead one to heresy. In sum, their emphasis on an incorporeal God brought them to similar interpretation despite their different religion and theological or philosophical orientation.Contribution: This article contributed to comparative theological study in understanding anthropomorphic verses through the discourse of al-Ghazali and Maimonides in Islam and Judaism, respectively. (shrink)