With its six nuclear tests, North Korea aims to be regarded as a nuclear power by international society. However, such a status has been denied to North Korea, especially after its fourth and fifth nuclear tests in 2016 and the sixth in 2017. North Korea's international isolation has been strengthened with the UN Security Council resolutions, and the tensions in the relations between North and South Korea and between North Korea and the (...) U.S. have been heightened. The problem of North Korea's nuclear weapons is both political and ethical one. There are four political and ethical approaches to nuclear weapons: nuclear maximalism, nuclear minimalism, nuclear reductionism, and anti-nuclearism. A nuclear maximalist approach to North Korean nuclear weapons may cause a second Korean War, and a nuclear minimalist approach to them also has the danger to increase and escalate tensions on the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, either a nuclear reductionist approach or an anti-nuclearism approach to the problem of North Korean nuclear weapons is more desirable. Three models of denuclearization can be helpful in achieving the North Korean denuclearization: Ukraine model, South African model, and Libya model. Each model can provide its own lessons and implications. Especially, considering the importance and significance of the Budapest Memorandum in the process of the Ukraine model, an East Asian version of Budapest Memorandum is needed for the successful North Korean denuclearization. (shrink)

North Korea is under strict UN economic sanctions because it violated UN policy in its development of nuclear weapons and long range missiles as well as for its militant rhetoric. South Korea and Japan, as close allies of the USA, are unsure of the future. Is there a way to bring some peace and stability to the Korean peninsula? Some argue that this is a hopeless task as long as the current leadership of North Korea (...) is in power. This article takes a more positive stance and outlines a possible way forward. The study, following the position of the Heidelberg Institute for International Conflict Research, assumes that the conflict is at root one over ideology and power. The leadership of North Korea understands itself as “a revolutionary and socialist state” and is determined to continue to control the country through a rigorous and sometimes brutal government oversight of the culture. Although poverty and hunger are widespread, the people have little opportunity to be heard. What if the leaders of North Korea were persuaded that they could gain legitimacy through developing a dynamic economy that brought flourishing to their people and respect by fellow-nations in the global village? The article proposes to start this new adventure by developing enterprise zones in the North that would bring jobs and food to hundreds of thousands of North Koreans. To begin this project, there would need to be dramatic steps toward denuclearization on the part of the North in order to relax the UN economic sanctions. Is it possible? The article outlines a way forward. (shrink)

This dialogue addresses the global risk that broke out of the North Korean development of nuclear weapons and missiles. It starts from the brutal consequences of the national division for Korea and asks why North Korea has been so preoccupied with nuclear projects as has been found to be the case since the 1990s, and how much and why Kim Jung-un today differs from his father in terms of his future, and where the fundamental limit (...) lies in Moon Jae-In’s as well as Trump’s approaches to Korean denuclearization and peace. The highlight of this dialogue is to explain the intrinsic difficulties for Donald Trump and Kim Jung-un in finding a reasonable solution to their respective demands for denuclearization and regime security, and explore the likely future of the Korean Peninsula from the vantage point of Kim Dae-jung’s Sunshine Policy and metamorphosis. (shrink)

A series of Six-Party Talks involving the United States, China, Japan, South and North Korea, and Russia resulted in the emergence of a narrative of a . Given the prevalence of nuclear weapons amidst Sino-American rivalry, the area is hardly . Instead, the phrase has evolved into a common signifier for the US and China, suggesting that, despite their rivalries, the North Korean nuclear issue can be detrimental for both nuclear-free’ seriously, recasting the phrase (...) as borne of both mutual scepticism, as well as convergent interests, over the Korean Peninsula. (shrink)

The U.S. relations to Democratic People’s Republic of Korea are since the end of the Cold War revolving around achieving a state of nuclear free Korean peninsula. As non-proliferation is a long term of American foreign policy, relations to North Korea could be categorized primarily under this umbrella. However, the issue of North Korean political system also plays role as it belongs to the other important, more normative category of U.S. foreign policy which is (...) the protection of human rights and spreading of democracy and liberal values. In addition, the North Korean issue influences U.S. relations and interests in broader region of Northeast Asia, its bilateral alliances with South Korea and Japan as well as sensitive and complex relations to People’s Republic of China. As the current administration of president Donald J. Trump published its National security strategy and was fully occupied with the situation on Korean peninsula in its first year, the aim of the paper is to analyse the changes in evolution of U.S. North Korean policy under last three administrations, look at the different strategies adopted in order to achieve the same aim, the denuclearization. The paper does not provide a thorough analysis, neither looks at all documents adopted and presented in the U.S. or within the U.N. It more focuses on the general principles of particular strategies, most significant events in mutual relations as recorded by involved governmental officials and also weaknesses of these strategies as none has achieved desirable result. In conclusion, several options for current administration are drawn, however all of them require significant compromises and could be accompanied with series of setbacks dangerous for regional stability and U.S. position in the region. (shrink)

Aesthetics is not a subject usually associated with North Korea in Western scholarship, the usual tropes being autocracy, counterfeiting, drugs, human-rights abuse, famine, nuclear weapons, party-military dictatorship, Stalinism, and totalitarianism. Where the arts are concerned, they are typically seen as crude political propaganda. One British museum specialist writes that North Korean visual art is an "art under control," and one Russian historian insists that North Korean literature is devoid of the "beauty of language."1 As (...) the short turns of phrase and value judgments indicate, there has been no real attempt in English to engage the North Korean aesthetic on descriptive terms.North Korea is not a liberal .. (shrink)

Ideological and political tensions have impeded paying attention to human rights violations against North Koreans. By describing the substantial connection between human rights and nuclear weapons issues in North Korea, this book urges a wide audience, including human rights activists, scholars, and educators, to show leadership in helping North Korean defectors seek freedom.

All non-nuclear-weapon states are morally and legally obliged by the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) to refrain from acquiring nuclear weapons. These obligations cannot be overridden for reasons of mere prudence. Only (i) material breaches of the treaty and/or a corresponding; (ii) ‘fundamental change in circumstances’ (rebus sic stantibus) that undermines the integrity of the NPT may override states parties’ legal nonproliferation duties. More than the violations of the NPT by ‘rogue’ states like North Korea or Iran, (...) I argue that the failure of the de jure nuclear-weapon powers since 2001 to uphold their informal and some formal NPT commitments suggests the possibility of material breach and/or institutional subversion. If NPT subversion were to occur, the non-nuclear-weapon states’ collective responsibility to avoid complicity in that subversion leads them to choose between (a) individually seeking nuclear weapons capability for state security; or, more preferably, (b) a publicly announced and collective withdrawal from the NPT that simultaneously refuses to pursue the nuclear weapons option. (shrink)

Forecasts predicting the reunification of the Korean Peninsula were common throughout the 1990s. Since then, enthusiasm for such predictions has dampened, and though the fundamental assumption of reunification remains, predictions of when and how this will happen have been more restrained. Reunification leaves two unresolved yet interdependent issues: reunification itself, which is the urgent challenge; and the strategic issues that emerge from reunification, which have the potential to fundamentally transform strategic relations in the region of Northeast Asia. Within (...) this context, this paper examines the prospects of Korean reunification against the background of the interstate relations. Initially, it will establish the framework from which such scenarios will emerge: the historical background of the division, the extreme differences between the two states, the role played by the North Korean nuclear threats and the impact of the September 11, 2001 on the interstate relations, and finally general situation and relations in the East Asian region. Then, three possible scenarios of the unification will be developed: through peaceful integration, through the fall of North Korea or through a war. Summing up, even the death of Kim Jong Il will not bring change in the domestic and foreign policy of North Korea which is going to continue an aggressive approach toward the South. In the short-term reunification is definitely not in the interest of the current ROK administration, and the South has no intention of encouraging it. None of the considered scenarios envisions early reunification, and it seems that for the future, the status quo on the Korean Peninsula will remain. (shrink)

We are at a time when international law and the law of war are particularly important. The testing of nuclear weapons that is being used in the rhetoric surrounding threats of war is creating new fears and heightening current tensions. Richard Falk has for decades been an outspoken authority calling for nuclear disarmament and the enforcement of non-proliferation treaties. In this collection of essays, Falk examines the global threats to all humanity posed by nuclear weapons. He is (...) not satisfied with accepting arms control measures as a managerial stopgap to these threats and seeks no less than to move the world back from the nuclear precipice and towards denuclearization. Falk's essays reflect the wisdom and innovative thinking he has brought to his long career as a scholar and activist, as he reminds nuclear weapons states of their obligation under international law and moral imperative to seek nuclear disarmament. (shrink)

The alliance of the Republic of Korea (ROK or South Korea) and the United States of America (or US) was brought as a result of the Korean War. To South Korea, the war was to defend freedom and democracy with democratic countries including US, on the other side, to North Korea, it was to spread the communism revolution by invading South Korea. The original alliance of both South Korea and US was military alliance. It was gradually extended to (...) the fields of politics, economy, society and culture. The ROK-US alliance continues to change as a result of both advanced international status of South Korea and the status of the United States in international society. Especially both countries have shown about differences Japan and China, and North Korea. And the lingering awareness of the difference between the two sides in the alliance still faces the challenges to be solved. This paper suggests ways to promote future peace condition on the Korean peninsula. To do that, this paper tries to show the basic principles for the identity principle, the principle of universality, the principle of reciprocity. (shrink)

This work attempts to understand whether it is possible to talk about the emergence of specific recurring linguistic patterns in UN resolutions, used as a political strategy. The paper presents a comparative analysis between a corpus of resolutions related to the Second Gulf War and to the 2011 North Korean nuclear crisis, focussing on ethic adjectives and preambulatory and operative phrases used in these resolutions. It is attempted to show how vague and weak expressions can be used (...) either to lead to intentionally biased interpretations of the law as was supposed in the Iraqi case, or to mitigate international tensions, though maintaining a firm position against international threats, as supposed for North Korea. (shrink)

Nuclear weapons proliferation is at the top of the news these days. Most recent reports have focused on the nuclear efforts of Iran and North Korea, but they also typically warn that those two acute diplomatic headaches may merely be the harbingers of a much darker future. Indeed, foreign policy sages often claim that what worries them most is not the small arsenals that Tehran and Pyongyang could build for themselves, but rather the potential that their reckless (...) behavior could catalyze a process of runaway nuclear proliferation, international disorder, and, ultimately, nuclear war. (shrink)

The ongoing conflict in Ukraine constitutes a poignant reminder of the enduring relevance and potential devastation associated with nuclear weapons. For decades, the possibility of such catastrophic conflict has not seemed so imminent as in the current world affairs. -/- This contribution presents a comprehensive analysis of nuclear strategy for the 21st century. By examining the evolving geostrategic landscape the talk illuminates key concepts such as nuclear posture, credible deterrence, first & second strike capabilities, flexible response, EMP (...) , variable yield, counterforce & countervalue, limited war and escalation dominance, thereby providing a nuanced understanding of the delicate balance of power in the nuclear arena in modern conflicts. Furthermore, it concentrates on the era that started with the war in Ukraine, offering insights into how recent geopolitical developments influence nuclear doctrines. -/- Through conceivable real-world scenarios, we gain perspective on the multifaceted challenges posed by newer technologies and potential escalation dynamics involving global nuclear actors. -/- Such scenarios include: -/- 1. A non-weaponised or sub-critical test within Russia to intimidate opponents into understanding Russia’s resolve and capabilities. Prior norms have restricted testing since 2000, apart from North Korea. In case of a full surface test, Russia could detonate in uninhabited areas within its own vast territory with minimal fallout. While clarifying military strength, demonstrations risk hardening resistance without incentivising surrender. -/- 2. Coercive atomic threat to compel Ukraine or its supporters to make concessions. By leveraging the spectre of nuclear warfare, Russia could expect to achieve its objectives through intimidation and fear. However, the effectiveness of such a strategy is questionable, as it may provoke a strong international response and further galvanise support for Ukraine. -/- 3. Demonstration detonation over/under the Black Sea to signal resolve without targeting Ukraine itself; possibly amidst negotiations to gain diplomatic leverage, whilst limiting human casualties to zero or causing a mild, non-destructive tsunami. -/- 4. Ukraine could decide to launch a pre-emptive strike on Russian nuclear facilities or weapons, fearing an imminent attack. Such an action would have a high risk of failure and might even provoke a nuclear retaliation from Russia. It could also lead to a broader conflict, as neighbouring countries might feel compelled to intervene. -/- 5. Limited tactical strike against Ukrainian military or infrastructure to weaken capacity and morale. Russia’s 2000+ non-strategic arsenal could target positions using short-range missiles with 0.3 – 5 kiloton yields. Objectives like crippling Kharkiv defences might create no-go zones hindering advances. However, Ukraine might maintain drone and cyber offensive capabilities regardless. -/- 6. Electromagnetic Pulse attack designed to disable critical infrastructure in Ukraine and NATO countries without radioactive fallout. This aims to hinder the war effort and economy without provoking the same conventional military response as a blast. However, an EMP attack affecting NATO shall still be considered an act of war warranting retaliation. -/- 7. A weapon could be deployed accidentally or without proper authorisation. This could occur due to a technical malfunction, miscommunication, human error, or the actions of rogue elements. The consequences of such an event could be catastrophic, leading to a rapid escalation of the conflict and potentially triggering a global crisis. -/- 8. Sub-strategic offensive targeting NATO in the European theatre, so as to fracture allied resolve, against arms routes in Poland, Baltic stockpiles, British naval bases, American troop concentrations in Germany etc. Putin may perceive defeat or deposition as an existential threat, viewing such an option as self-preservation despite adverse consequences. -/- . (shrink)

This study analyzes the narrative characteristics of graphic and written language regarding Kim Jong-Un in the peruvian newspaper ‘El Trome’. This occurred in May of 2017, when mainstream press in Peru closely followed national corruption scandals, whilst ‘El Trome’ focused on a different news story: the nuclear crisis between the United States and North Korea, popularizing the term “Crazy Chinese” in order to refer to the controversial Asian leader. Grounded Theory precepts were employed, which included content analysis of (...) the newspaper covers as well as in depth interviews of the newspapers with both Trome’s General Editor and Design Editor. The newspaper maximized the fear associated with an impending nuclear war, constructing a journalistic message from a sequence of events with two main protagonists: Donald Trump and Kim Jong-Un, unpredictable leaders with access to nuclear weapons. The strategy appealed to black humor and entertainment in order to position an agenda independent from mainstream press, which focused on internal politics at the time. (shrink)

In 2010–12, Sino-Japanese relations deteriorated without the Yasukuni Shrine or Chinese human rights violations in the forefront. To improve relations, attention should turn to what I label the ideological, sectoral, and horizontal dimensions of a national identity gap between these countries. They have each figured in the decline and offer more promise than the temporal dimension, with its symbols of wartime memories, and the vertical dimension, where sensitive Chinese internal affairs are at stake. The sectoral dimension comprises political, economic, and (...) also cultural national identity, each of which has grown more intense in China, while cultural identity is still a force in Japan. Establishing an East Asian community is now the centerpiece in the hope that the horizontal dimension will be an impetus for mutual understanding, yet the notion of community is repeated with no sign of a shared vision of the outside world, whether the US role or the international arena and regionalism. With South Korea, their partner in trilateralism and North Korea's transformation at the crux of all three of these dimensions, this paper emphasizes the way divergent views of the peninsula keep growing in importance for bilateral relations. It suggests ways to reframe relations through cooperation over Korea. As difficult as Korean relations are for both states, it is a test case for their identity gap. (shrink)

Kirshner may be right that domestic politics does matter, but he does not tell us how to understand domestic politics. How are we, for instance, to understand domestic cohesion? How are we to understand national purpose? More important, what is the impact of nuclear weapons? Do these weapons obliterate all past information about power? Are nuclear weapons all that matter? Is it possible to fight a limited nuclear war? Is North Korea as strong as the United (...) States? Such questions have been around since the 1950s. Kirshner does not help us to answer them. (shrink)

The theory of Yin and Yang and the Five Movements is based on the concept of cyclical time. This ancient cosmological model postulates that when expansive energy reaches its apex, mutual life-saving relations prevail over mutually conflictual societal relations, and that this cycle repeats. This cosmic change model was first presented in ancient Korea and China, by Hado-Nakseo, via numerological configurations and symbols. The Hado diagram was drawn by a Korean thinker, Bok-hui (?-BC3413), also known as Great Empeor Fuzi (...) or Fu-hsi in Chinese mythology. Confucius once recognized him as the father of I Ching (Book of Changes). The Eastern cosmology was further developed by King Wen and the Duke of Zhou and compiled by Confucius (BC551?-BC 479) during the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period. Nakseo diagram was first discovered by the famous King Wu of China, who founded the Xia dynasty. In contrast to the harmonious mathematical matrix of Hado, Nakseo symbolizes the conflictual and dynamic expansion of the universe. In the Nakseo world, masculine energy is structurally greater than feminine energy, continuously breeding disequilibrium and conflict. The Yin and Yang model suggests that everything in the universe exists as a combination of opposing dynamics. At any given time, one of the two dynamics grows while the other declines. When Yang energy is at its peak, Yin energy is at its nadir; then, a reversal occurs; and envetually the whole cycle repeats. It would thus be logical to express that when conflictual energy has reached its apex harmonious energy begins to wax. It can be argued that since the state of disequilibrium within the universe represented by Nakseo cannot indefinitely sustain its dynamic of expansion, harmonious international relationships eventually come to pervade the world. This argument represents a unique applicationof the concept of Yin and Yang logic to international arms race and arms control. This cyclical dynamics can explain the long-term process of arms build-up followed by eventually by nuclear standoff and subsequent nuclear arms control regimes as NPT, CTBT, MTCR, SALT, START, PSI and etc. One can boldly claim that Yin and Yang logic offers a clue to creating a theory of structural peace by discovering a constructivist element in the model. The esoteric matrixes of ancient Korea and China thus provide humanity with an new vision for nuclear disarmament and a sustainable peace. (shrink)

이번 연구는 한국 다문화 사회에서 한반도 통일의 가치토대를 어떻게 확립할 것인지를 탐구하는데 주요 목적이 있다. 이번 연구의 주제는 다문화 구성원들, 특히 북한 주민들과 새터민, 외국인 노동자, 국제결혼 이주자 및 그 자녀들이 과연 한번도 통일의 가치를 공유할 수 있는지, 즉 한민족 정체성과 그것의 가치분담이다. 이를 위해 이번 연구에서는 ‘문화 개념의 다문화 수준별 적용’에 관한 기존의 연구논문을 활용하고, 그 한계를 밝히며, 이를 보완할 수 있는 하나의 대안으로서 ‘정서(emotion)'의 다문화적 적용 가능성을 제시해보고자 한다. 기존의 문화 개념의 적용의 양상은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 문화 개념을 (...) ‘의미의 패턴’으로 간주하는 경향으로서 주로 상징과 해석에 초점을 둔다. 이는 주로 타문화를 이해하는데 유용한 방식이라고 할 수 있다. 예컨대, 국제결혼 이주민이 초기 한국 사회의 정착시기에 한국 사회를 이해하는 방식이라고 할 수 있다. 둘째, 문화 개념을 지속적인 완전성을 향한 과정으로 이해하는 경향으로서, 이는 주로 자문화를 확인하는 방식이라고 할 수 있다. 예컨대, 국제결혼 이주민이 한국 사회에 정착하면서 본격적인 삶을 영위할 때 ‘한국인’으로서 정체성을 확인하는 방식이다. 하지만 이와 같은 기존의 연구성과를 북한 주민, 새터민, 국제결혼 이주민 가정의 자녀에게 적용했을 때에는 일정한 한계가 보인다. 첫째, 북한 주민들은 현재 북한 정권의 특성상, 다문화 사회에 대한 거부감이 크고, 단일민족주의를 이데올로기적 차원에서 이해할 가능성이 매우 크다. 즉 북한 주민들이 자문화 차원에서 민족정체성을 강하게 확인하더라고, 매우 폐쇄적이라고 할 수 있다. 둘째, 새터민의 경우에는 자문화 확인의 정도는 강하지만, 한국 사회의 정착과정에서 경험하게 되는 사회경제적 차별로 인해 자신들만의 정체성 확인에 그친다. 셋째, 국제결혼 이주민 가정의 자녀들과 그 부모들은 모두가 ‘한국인’이라는 정체성 수준은 매우 높았다. 다만 이주민 부모의 경우에는 자신들의 문화에 대한 정체성은 그대로 유지하고 있었다. 그러나 순혈주의의 측면에서 이들 모두에 대한 차별적 인식은 여전히 강하게 남아 있는 실정이다. 한반도 통일에 대한 가치의 토대는 다문화 구성원들 모두가 분담할 수 있는 ‘정체성’의 문제이다. 이를 삶의 영역에서 확인하고 전개할 수 있는 방안은 각 구성원들의 특성들을 모두 고려할 수 있을 때에만 가능하다. 기존 연구의 문화 개념을 다문화 수준별로 접근했을 때 근본적인 문제는 내면적으로 구성원들 모두가 한국 다문화 사회에서 한민족 정체성에 대한 어떤 공통된 분담을 가질 수 있는지에 대한 답을 명료하게 제시하지 못했다. 이런 점에서 다문화 사회에서 한반도 통일의 가치토대는 외면적이고 제도적인 문제라기보다는 내면적이고 정체성에 관한 문제이다. 이 문제는 결국 다문화 구성원들이 관계의 삶의 영역에서 도덕적 행위자라는 점에서 이들의 정서가 문화적으로 전개되는 과정에서 보다 세밀하게 진행되어야 할 것이다. (shrink)

Despite decades of research on the reconstruction of proto-Korean-Japanese (pKJ), some scholars still reject a genetic relationship. This study addresses their doubts in a new way, interpreting comparative linguistic data within a context of material and cultural evidence, much of which has come to light only in recent years. The weaknesses of the reconstruction, according to J. Marshall Unger, are due to the early date at which pKJ split apart and to lexical material that the pre-Korean and pre-Japanese (...) branches later borrowed from different languages to their north and south, respectively. Unger shows that certain Old Japanese words must have been borrowed from Korean from the fourth century C.E., only a few centuries after the completion of the Yayoi migrations, which brought wet-field rice cultivation to Kyushu from southern Korea. That leaves too short an interval for the growth of two distinct languages by the time they resumed active contact. Hence, concludes Unger, the original separation occurred on the peninsula much earlier, prior to reliance on paddy rice and the rise of metallurgy. Non-Korean elements in ancient peninsular place names were vestiges of pre-Yayoi Japanese language, according to Unger, who questions the assumption that Korean developed exclusively from the language of Silla. He argues instead that the rulers of Koguryo, Paekche, and Silla all spoke varieties of Old Korean, which became the common language of the peninsula as their kingdoms overwhelmed its older culture and vied for dominance. Was the separation so early as to vitiate the hypothesis of a common source language? Unger responds that, while assuming non-relationship obviates difficulties of pKJ reconstruction, it fares worse than the genetic hypothesis in relation to non-linguistic findings, and fails to explain a significant number of grammatical as well as lexical similarities. Though improving the reconstruction of pKJ will be challenging, he argues, the theory of genetic relationship is still the better working hypothesis. The Role of Contact in the Origins of the Japanese and Korean Languages shows how an interdisciplinary approach can shed light on a difficult case in which the separation of two languages lies close to the time horizon of the comparative method. (shrink)

최근 학생들은 남북한 화해 분위기에서나 긴장 국면에서나 모두 통일에 대해 무관심하거나 통일비용을 우려하여 부정적인 경향을 나타내고 있다. 또한 학생들은 학교에서 이루어지고 있는 교과 통일교육이나 통일교육 행사에 흥미를 느끼지 못하고 있다. 효과적인 북한이해 및 통일교육을 위해 학생들의 흥미를 유발할 수 있는 다양한 교수 기법의 개발 및 적용이 절실히 요구된다. 본 연구에서는 학생들의 북한 이해 및 통일에 대한 흥미를 유발할 수 있는 북한 이해 교수․학습 방법을 제안하고자 한다. 이를 위해 첫째, 학생들의 흥미를 유발하고 적극적인 참여를 유도할 수 있는 소재로서 대중문화가 청소년들에게 미치는 (...) 영향을 살펴보고자 한다. 둘째, 북한 사회에서 영화가 차지하는 비중과 영향력에 비추어 북한 사회의 실상을 간접적으로 엿볼 수 있는 소재인 북한 영화의 특징을 살펴보고자 한다. 셋째, 학교 현장에서 직접 적용해 본 북한 영화를 활용한 북한 사회 이해 교수․학습 지도안을 제시하고자 한다. (shrink)

Korea is one of the most complex, critical, and yet understudied of Japan's foreign policy relationships. While much attention in US policy and academic circles has focused on Japan's future relations with China as the key variable for regional stability in the twenty first century, an integral part of the security dynamic in East Asia has been driven by the JapanRepublic of Korea (ROK) axis facilitated the American presence as an Asia-Pacific power and security guarantor. And in the post-cold war (...) era, outcomes in the Japangrand strategy’ regarding the peninsula? (shrink)

이 글은 보조국사 지눌과 그의 사상에 대한 북조선의 연구 동향과 그 의미를 살펴보는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이를 위해서 북조선의 지눌 연구를 1960년대부터 현재까지 네 시기로 나누어서 각각의 특징을 살펴보았다. 북조선의 지눌 연구는 계급성과 역사주의 원칙이라는 대전제를 바탕으로 한 통일성을 가장 큰 특징으로 한다. 여기서 통일성이란 북조선의 입장에서 불교는 착취계급의 반동적 사상이며 이것이 모든 지눌 연구에서 그대로 유지되는 것을 가리킨다. 다만 시기에 따라서, 특히 2000년 이후에 지눌의 사상을 제한적으로나마 긍정적인 평가를 하는 미세한 변화를 보이기도 한다.BR 이러한 북조선의 지눌 연구를 남한의 관련 (...) 연구와 거칠게 비교하면 북조선은 기본 연구 원칙에 따라 체계적인 반면 남한은 그러한 원칙, 체계에는 별다른 관심이 없다. 또한 북조선의 지눌 연구가 부정적 평가와 비판에 몰두한다면 남한의 연구는 이해와 긍정, 때로는 선양에 매달린다고 할 수 있다. 이러한 차이가 둘 사이의 대화를 통해서 서로를 보완할 수 있는 지점으로 생각된다. (shrink)

유물론과 관념론의 투쟁으로 조선철학을 바라보는 북한의 연구에서 이황 철학은 1960년 이래로 봉건 도덕 윤리를 옹호하기 위해 고안된 관념론이면서도 인식론의 차원에서 대상 세계의 실재함을 어느 정도 인정하는 “객관적 관념론”으로 평가된다. 2010년 간행된『조선철학전사』에서 이황 철학은 “신학적 관념론”이라는 용어를 통해 “극단적인 관념론”으로 그려진다. 이러한 변화의 핵심에는 이황 철학의 인식론이 “신비적 직관[神悟]”을 방법으로 한다는 해석, 그리고 동아시아 관념론을 발전사적으로 바라보며 주희 철학의 관념론적 사유가 이황 철학에 이르러 완결성을 갖추게 되었다는 철학사적 이해가 자리하고 있다. 이 글은 이와 같은 변화가 기존의 철학사 서술과 비교할 때 이황 (...) 철학의 원전과 개념을 보다 충실히 인용하고 구성해 내면서 진행되었다는 점에 주목한다. (shrink)

North Korea references gender equality in its socialist constitution, but the de facto social and legal circumstances that women face in the country are far below the de jure status they are purported to enjoy. North Korean women endure extremely low public health standards and pervasive harassment. Yet their growing market power and social influence are underestimated. Women account for the majority of North Korean border crossers, and their informal economic activities are supporting families while (...) modernizing the economy. This essay examines the dangers of exploitation that North Korean women face and highlights the ethical and legal imperatives of supporting their roles in marketizing the economy and liberalizing the society in one of the worst human rights–violating states. Women are North Korea's most deserving recipients of international assistance and the country's most promising partners to the world. (shrink)

북한의 변화는 정치와 군사문제 등 일부를 제외하고 경제․사회․문화 분야를 중심으로 과거와는 다른 차원에서 정책변화가 이루어지고 있다. 전체적으로 실리위주의 사회주의 경제정책을 운용하는 과정에서 분야별로 서서히 진행되고 있음을 알 수 있다. 핵문제로 인하여 긴박하게 전개되는 국제정세를 차치하고서 북한으로서는 더 많은 변화가 가능할 수 있는가 하는 것은 김정일의 개혁과 개방에 대한 의지가 중요한 관건임이 이미 지적한 바와 같다. 북한정권의 딜레마는 개혁과 개방의 이중성이다. 그러나 현재 21C 패러다임의 전환 시대에 김정일은 개혁과 개방에 선택에 대한 여지가 있을 수가 없다. 말하자면 개방의 대세를 거역할 수 없는 (...) 시점에 이르렀다는 점이다. 문제는 대내외적 환경이다. 기술, 정보, 자원과 자본 모두가 부족한 현실에서 어떤 형식과 방법으로 최소의 비용으로 변화의 국면을 감당해낼 수 있는가에 달려있다. SWOT분석에 나타나듯이 북한은 지금까지 최악의 환경으로서 WT전략을 취해왔음을 부인할 수 없다. 수령의 절대권력 체제에서 급격한 국제정세의 변화와 자연재해는 더 이상 국민들의 삶을 발전적으로 보장을 하지 못하고 그 원인을 대외적 정치환경에서 즉 핵무기의 개발과 적대적 외교전략이 진행되어 왔었다. 이제 SO전략으로 북한이 현재 가지고 있는 강점과 기회적 요인들을 최대한 수렴하여 ST전략, 즉 개혁과 개방을 통한 경제개발로서 국력을 총체적으로 신장해나감으로써 명실상부한 국권을 회복하여 국제사회의 일원으로 등장하게 될 것이다. 북한의 변화는 향후 한반도에서의 평화공존은 물론 평화적 통일과 나아가 동북아의 평화를 담보하는 것이라고 재론의 필요가 없다. (shrink)

ABSTRACT The primary aim of the paper is to apply the concept of retribution to nuclear defence policy. Nuclear defence policy, as I conceive it, is concerned with addressing the threat Soviet nuclear weapons pose for Western security. I argue that, contrary to popular opinion, MAD is not a retributive doctrine—that in fact it violates two constitutive principles of retribution: culpability and proportionality. After explicating these constitutive principles, I apply them to retaliatory strategy—showing that the culpability criterion (...) restricts retaliation to the agents of aggression while the proportionality criterion requires a just measure of retaliation. The result is a defence policy continuous with the just war tradition—one which rules out deterrence based on threats against the civilian population. I show why a retributive policy requires non‐nuclear forces and discuss the feasiblity of replacing all nuclear forces with conventional weapons. I anticipate and answer major objections to the denuclearization of U.S. and NATO forces. Finally, I conclude that an advocate of a retributive policy—specifically, a policy calling for a proportional or measured response against combatants only—must be willing, in the name of justice, to accept the risk of making war more thinkable by making it less horrible. (shrink)

본 논문은 북한 및 남북한 통일에 대한 연구 경향을 살펴보고, 그것을 바탕으로 학회명칭을 개정한 한국윤리학회의 논문집을 분석하면서 윤리교육에서 통일교육의 연구 방향을 모색하였다. 북한 및 남북한 통일에 대한 연구의 변화 과정을 기원과 전개, 인식론의 쟁점, 연구의 대상 및 자료 등을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 북한 연구는 학문적 논의가 확대심화되어 북한학, 통일학으로 정립이 구체화되고 있다. 북한을 인식하는 관점도 균형과 조화를 추구하는 내재비판적 접근을 추구하고 있다. 북한 및 남북한 통일에 대한 연구 대상이나 자료는 그 접근성과 개방성이 한층 높아졌으며, 북한 문학 작품이나 새터민(탈북자) 등이 연구 대상으로 (...) 추가되는 등 다차원화되고 있다. 윤리교육에서 통일교육의 변화 양상을 살펴보기 위해『국민윤리연구』창간호부터 제61집까지 논문집의 1035개 논문 제목을 내용분석 방법으로 분석하였다. 통일교육과 관련된 연구는 초기에는 공산주의(공산권) 이론을 중심으로 이루어졌으나 후반에는 북한 및 남북한 관계에 대한 내용이 주류를 이루고 있다. 최근에는 사회과학적인 북한 연구보다 통일교육적 차원의 연구가 대부분을 이루고 있다. 윤리교육의 관점에서 통일교육이 추구해야 할 방향으로 우선 메타분석적 접근을 제안하였다. 윤리교육에서 통일교육은 사회과학적 논리를 바탕으로 인문과학적 결론을 유도하는 방향에서 연구되어야 한다. 통일교육을 위한 북한 및 통일연구는 다차원적 연구방법을 활용해야 한다. 윤리교육에서의 통일교육은 윤리적 탐구 방법을 활용해야 한다. (shrink)

북한이탈주민에 대한 연구는 다양한 분야에서 진행되고 있다. 2016년 3만명에 육박하는 북한이탈주민들의 급격한 증가는 한국사회에 법, 교육, 복지, 직업 등 다양한 분야에서 문제점이 도출되고 있고 한국내(內) 사회통합이라는 사회문제를 대두시키고 있다. 본 논문은 북한이탈주민에 대한 사회통합을 주제로 디아스포라와 다문화 논의를 중심으로 접근을 시도하고 하고자 한다. 기존 접근법은 북한이탈주민의 입장에서 한국의 정부, 지자체, 시민단체가 어떠한 정책을 수립, 시행할 것인가에 대해 집중되어 있었다. 그러나 북한이탈주민은 사회통합의 대상이지만 국제이주라는 측면과 이주국의 이들에 대한 다문화적인 수용이라는 입장은 새로운 시각의 연구주제로 본 논문에서 제시하고자 한다. 디아스포라와 다문화 논의들은 (...) 북한이탈주민들의 사회통합 문제를 접근하고 분석하는 새로운 접근법으로 시도함으로서 기존연구에서 벋어나 보다 객관적인 형태의 사회통합논의를 가능하게 할 수 있다. (shrink)

이 논문은 대북 개발지원을 위한 국내 민간단체의 역할과 과제를 찾아보는데 목적이 있다. 대북 개발지원은 북한에 인도주의적 도움을 주기 위한 목적을 넘어 북한의 경제적․사회적 개발과 역량 강화를 통해 북한의 질적 변화를 도모하는 것이다. 민간단체의 대북지원은 그동안 남북관계의 상황 변화에도 불구하고 남북한 교류 방식의 하나로 분명히 역할해 왔다. 민간단체들은 대북 개발지원 사업을 추진하는데 있어 강한 동기 의식과 역량을 갖추고 있으며, 실제 사업내용도 개발지원의 방식으로 상당히 전환하고 있다. 향후 대북 개발지원의 발전을 위해 민간단체들은 다음의 과제를 안고 있다. 첫째, 민간단체들은 개발지원에 대한 국민적 공감대를 (...) 형성하고 확산하기 위해 노력해야 한다. 둘째, 민간단체들은 국가 차원의 대북 개발지원을 위한 통합전략과 종합계획을 정부에 요구해야 한다. 셋째, 민간단체들은 국제사회의 개발지원에 관한 쟁점의 변화에 주목하면서 개발효과성을 제고할 수 있는 사업의 방법과 모델을 다방면에서 발굴해야 한다. 넷째, 민간단체들은 인도적 지원성의 개발지원 혹은 개발지원성의 인도적 지원을 적극적으로 모색해야 한다. 다섯째, 민간단체들은 우리만의 차별화한 개발지원의 콘텐츠를 발굴하기 위해 노력해야 한다. 여섯째, 민간단체들은 다양한 민간단체를 개발지원체계에 연합하도록 하면서 협력을 위한 포괄적 파트너십(Comprehensive and Inclusive Partnership)을 활성화시켜야 한다. 민간단체의 대북 개발지원이 활성화될수록 북한의 빈곤을 감축하고 경제적․사회적 진보를 이루어 북한 사회의 질적 변화를 이루는데 훨씬 수월할 것이다. 그것은 남북관계를 발전시키고 통일에 기여하는 길이 된다. (shrink)

This article explores the gendered construction of South Korean citizenship through the lens of North Korean settlers' experiences in South Korea. Drawing on ethnographic research, the author delves into the citizen-making process, critically examining the impact of gendered modernizing projects on North Korean settlers' daily lives. North Korean settlers are expected to get rid of their ethnic markers and transform themselves into modern citizen-subjects of South Korea. The author demonstrates that the overall frame (...) of perception of North Korean settlers is deeply gendered, with modernity as a powerful ethnic marker. The notion of ethnicized citizenship in the context of two Koreas offers a concrete account of how ethnicities are created and employed in stratified structure of citizenship. (shrink)

문재인 정부가 등장하면서 제3차 북핵위기는 대화와 갈등에서 점차 대화로 분위기가 전환되었다. 트럼프 정부는 ‘최대개입과 관여’전략을 통해 전임 오바마정부의 ‘전략적 인내’전략을 폐기하는 북핵 전략의 전면적 수정을 가했다. 한반도는 세력균형에 의해 움직이고 있고 트럼프 대통령이 공언하는 ‘코피전략’과 같은 적극적인 개입전략도 세력균형 속에서 전개되고 있다고 할 수 있다. 오바마 정부의 북핵에 대한 ‘전략적 인내’정책은 소극적 북핵 억제정책이며 억지이론에서 핵우산을 제공하는 일반-확대억지 상황이라 할 것이다. 반면 트럼프 대통령의 ‘최대의 개입과 관여’전략은 미국판 ‘벼랑 끝 전술’로 평가되고 있으나 실제 세력균형의 틀을 벗어나지 않는 적극적인 ‘긴급-확대억지’ 상황이라고 (...) 할 수 있다. 제3차 북핵위기와 2018년 6월 12일 북미회담을 시작으로 전개되고 있는 북미간 북핵협상에 대해 억지이론을 중심으로 분석했고 추후 북미협상을 전망하고 분석하였다. 본 논문은 북미간의 북핵문제 해결과정을 분석하고 향후 그 전망을 논하고자 한다. (shrink)

본 연구는 한명환 (2010)의『조선철학전사』(2)에 나타나는 “원효의 철학 및 사회정치사상” 가운데 ‘화쟁 사상’과 ‘(화쟁) 변증법’을 소개하고, 이를 비판적으로 검토하는 것이다.BR 글의 순서는 다음과 같다. 처음에 “들어가는 말”이 있다. 두 번째로 북의 철학사상 연구 배경으로 ‘병영체제’의 ‘수령주의’와 ‘사회주의’ 체제를 살펴봤다. 세 번째로 “한명환의『조선철학전사』(2)와 ‘원효의 철학 및 사회정치사상’”을 살펴봤다. 이 내용은 북의 기존 연구들이 누적된 결과물이기에, 누적된 연구물들과 이 책 내용을 함께 소개했다. 네 번째로는 “원효 화쟁사상의 본질: 주체적이며 변증법적 사상이지만 지배계급 요구 반영”을, 다섯 번째로 “원효 화쟁의 논리: 발전된 변증법적 사유지만 상대주의적 궤변”을, (...) 여섯 번째로 “해동종철학의 변증법: 화쟁 변증법 특징의 긍정성과 부정성”을, 일곱 번째로 “원효 화쟁 사상에 대한 이해와 평가의 한계”로 글을 맺었다.BR 한명환의 원효 화쟁사상 연구 관점은 두 가지로 요약된다. 첫째, 원효가 해동종철학을 창시했다는 애국주의적 관점이다. 둘째, 원효가 피지배 계급 관점에서 봉건 착취 계급의 진보적 계층을 대변한다는 유물론적 역사관이다. 이는 서구에서 수입된 역사관으로 본 것이다. 둘째 관점의 유물론적 역사관으로 본 원효의 화쟁사상에 대한 평가는 첫째 관점의 민족철학을 구성하는 애국주의적 관점과 내적 모순을 가진다. 한명환은 원효의 ‘해동종철학’의 ‘화쟁사상’과 ‘해동종철학의 (화쟁) 변증법’에 대해 ‘김일성주의’와 ‘사회주의(변증법적 유물론)’ 관점의 연구와 평가를 이어가고 있다. 1994년 북의 헌법에서 ‘마르크스 · 레닌주의’ 지도 이념 명기를 삭제했다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 2010년의『조선철학전사』에서 ‘화쟁사상’과 ‘해동종철학의 (화쟁) 변증법’을 이해하고 평가하는데 있어, 김정일 교시를 적시하고 있다. 뿐만 아니라, ‘주체사상’과 ‘변증법적 유물론’ 관점을 대체할 새로운 대안의 관점을 구성하고 있지 못하고 있다. 앞으로 남과 세계 학계에서 연구되는 유물론과 원효의 화쟁사상 연구를 반영해야 할 것이다. (shrink)

South Korean cultivators share features with counterparts in both the global south and north. This combination of traits has produced a diversity of sources that underpin a food sovereignty movement. A case study of t’ojong, or native, seed activism illustrates how local systems of meaning and particular constellations of interests make food sovereignty appealing to a broad coalition of farmers, consumers, part-time cultivators, agricultural scientists, and activists for farmers and for women. The country’s experience demonstrates that responses to (...) market encroachment on food production provide only part of the force driving food sovereignty movements. (shrink)

This article focuses on the trajectory of life of the three generations of the Jankowski family in Siberia, Primorski Krai and Korea in the years 1863– 1945 in terms of their economic, cultural and scientific achievements. The founder of the Far Eastern branch of the family was Michał Jankowski. Exiled to Siberia for participation in the January Uprising of 1863, as a man of indefatigable energy and collaborator of Benedykt Dybowski, he undertook many initiatives, including hunting, wild ginseng collecting and (...) a gold mining administration. In 1880 he settled on the Sidiemi Peninsula near Vladivostok, where he established a farm specializing in horse breeding and ginseng gardening. In addition to farming, he conducted natural history and archaeological research and sent the acquired specimens and artifacts to Russian and European museums. The tradition of his father was continued in the second generation by Jerzy Mikhailovich Jankowski. Endowed with similar character and talent, he studied agriculture and husbandry in Texas and at the agricultural faculty of St. Louis University in Missouri. He expanded the farm to include commercial fishing and rice cultivation. The occupation of the Far East by the Red Army in 1922 forced the family to emigrate to Korea and Manchuria. The new family seat called Novina was built on the Ompo River near the town of Ch’ŏngjin, about 200 kilometers south along the Korean coastline from the mouth of the Tuman River. It was not only a modern farm with specialized animal husbandry and fruit farming, but was also a recreational, cultural, and spiritual enclave, with a school for children, a summer theater, an Orthodox church, and a resort for holidaymakers. The third and the most famous representative of the family was Walery Jurewicz Jankowski. In 1945, he joined the Soviet Army, where, due to his knowledge of Korean and Japanese, he served as an interpreter for the military intelligence at the headquarters of the 25th Army in P’yŏngyang. At the beginning of 1946, both Walery and his fathers were arrested and sent to the labor camps. The family was scattered around the world, from Australia to the North and Latin Americas and the farm was nationalized. The Jankowsky family achieved spectacular success in the Russian Far East and in Korea because they were able to apply the traditional Polish gentry ethos based on the extended structure of family and servants, which they were able to combine with a chivalrous fortitude and openness to hard life in the frontiers populated by various ethnic groups. (shrink)

본 논문은 다산 정약용에 대한 북한 학술의 연구 동향과 담론 가능성을 살펴본 것이다. 다산 정약용의 철학과 사상은 남한과 북한의 학술에서 중요한 역할을 하고 있다. 일제강점기 조선학운동의 전개에 따라 발굴된 정약용이란 인물과 그의 저술은 이른바 실학과 근대를 설명하는 데에 적합하였고, 특히 분단 이후 그의 철학, 사회정치사상, 실학파문학은 북한 학술의 핵심이었다고 해도 과언이 아니다. 여기에서 중요한 인물은 면우 곽종석의 제자였던 창해 최익한이다. 정약용이란 인물과 그의 저술에 대한 최익한의 이해가 남한은 물론, 북한에도 상당한 영향력을 행사하고 있기 때문이다. 본 논문에서는 정약용에 대한 북한 학술의 (...) 연구동향을 첫째 마르크스주의와 주체사상, 정약용의 철학과 사회정치사상, 정약용의 문학과 실학파문학으로 구분하여 살펴보았다. 북한 학술은 마르크스주의에 대한 주체적 재해석을 통해 진행되었고, 주석제 신설에 따라 김일성 교시라고 할 수 있는 주체철학에 따른 저술들이 간행되었다. 그 저술 내용 가운데 핵심적인 것이 바로 정약용의 철학과 사회정치사상이다. 그의 실학파문학 또한 정약용의 철학과 사회정치사상 범주에서 인식되었다. 사회의 개혁과 인민의 현실을 사실주의적으로 접근하고 있기 때문이다. 남북 학술의 담론 가능성도 이러한 이해를 전제로 논의될 수 있으며, 이른바 통일 시대를 희망하는 남북 학계는 공동연구를 통해 이른바 ‘한반도학술사’를 정리해낼 수 있을 것이다. (shrink)

This paper reviews the history of Korean Neo-Confucian thought from its introduction in the late fourteenth century until the end of the Joseon dynasty in the early twentieth century. With the founding of Joseon in 1392 the Neo-Confucian synthesis that had swept China was adopted in Korea, replacing the Buddhist establishment of the previous dynasty. The introductory section discusses the major figures in this transition and their grasp of the new metaphysical framework and ascetical theory which now supplemented the (...) traditional Confucian ethical core. The new teaching took deep root in the fifteenth century, but it did so in the context of succession problems leading to a series of “literati purges” of Confucians serving in government. The sixteenth century marked the coming to full intellectual maturity of the Neo-Confucian thought of the Cheng-Zhu school on the Korean peninsula. Toegye and Yulgok, the most famous names in Korean Neo-Confucian thought, represented opposing sides in the celebrated Four Seven Debate concerning the origination of feelings in the mind-and-heart. As the Mongols established the new Qing dynasty in China in the seventeenth century, Korean Neo-Confucians felt they had become the sole heritors and defenders of true civilization, leading to a period of intense and conflicted conservative orthodox orientation towards the Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucian school. In the intense factional struggles of the time the Yulgok followers of a faction led by Song Siyeol rose to dominance, and in the early eighteenth century the second most celebrated controversy, the Horak Debate, broke out within the ranks of this single intellectual lineage. The debate is best known for the question of whether and how humans and all other creatures share the same “original nature,” but it also inquired deeply into the accessibility of the original nature in techniques of meditative self-cultivation. The latter part of the eighteenth century is known for the emergence of a broad, loosely coordinated movement away from philosophical questions towards “practical learning,” or “Silhak” as twentieth century historians have named it. Philosophical inquiry continued to have a lively life well into the nineteenth century, however, with a deepening and radicalization of lines of thought established in the earlier debates, as well as some creative crossing and merging of the boundaries that separated the intellectual lineages of Toegye and Yulgok. (shrink)

We examine whether the current regulatory regime instituted in South Korea and the United States would have prevented Hwang’s potential transgressions in oocyte procurement for somatic cell nuclear transfer, we compare the general aspects and oversight framework of the Bioethics and Biosafety Act in South Korea and the US National Academies’ Guidelines for Human Embryonic Stem Cell Research, and apply the relevant provisions and recommendations to each transgression. We conclude that the Act would institute centralized oversight under governmental auspices (...) while the Guidelines recommend politically-independent, decentralized oversight bodies including a special review body for human embryonic stem cell research at an institutional level and that the Guidelines would have provided more vigorous protection for the women who had undergone oocyte procurement for Hwang’s research than the Act. We also suggest additional regulations to protect those who provide oocytes for research in South Korea. (shrink)

The greatest wish of the Baeda l people, or South Koreans, living in the Korean Peninsula is the unification of Korea. However, even when it has been 70 years since the outbreak of the Korean War, the two Koreas that used to be one nation are still in conflict. There have been many discourses on unification over the past 70 years, but these discourses still fail to create clear rules and a framework for unification. Discourses from the (...) perspective of biblical theology offer insight regarding the problems at stake as well as alternatives, but they do not offer perspectives on a definite solution. This article, in line with its statement on biblical theology, does not pretend to contribute to a clear-cut solution to meet the challenge of Korea’s unification. Rather, this article intends to contribute to the formation of an emotional consensus that can contribute to the unification of Korea by looking at the teachings about peace in the Gospel of Matthew. The article explores whether the notion of embracement, forgiveness and love written during the conflict between the Matthean community and Formative Judaism can be applied to help create an emotional bond between the two Koreas. The terms embracement, forgiveness and love found in the Gospel of Matthew are upheld as symbolising peace derived from opposition and conflict. Jesus taught us to overcome situations of opposition and conflict through embracement, forgiveness and love.Contribution: The purpose and contribution of this article was to discuss if the notions of embracement, forgiveness and love found in the Gospel of Matthew can be helpful for the emotional preparation of the peaceful unification of the Korean Peninsula by comparing the situations reflected in the Gospel of Matthew and that of the Korean Peninsula. (shrink)

With the introduction of zoom and cell group Bible study and fellowship gathering with church members from 6 to 10, congregation members of each Korean church have come to appreciate the diversity within each consistory encompassing multigenerational American born Koreans, foreign expats, diplomats, immigrants from middle class and up from the greater Seoul, South Korea area, political refugees and migrant workers who categorically entered this country with Republic of Korea visa but who originally were able to date back their (...) earlier life from Communist Regimes such as Siberia, China, Vietnam and North Korea (Ibuk chulsin) and other Asian of color looking foreigners and mix-breeds with Korean heritage and other combinations. The focus of their Christian practice has been more passive concept of God’s grace grounded on John Wesley tradition rather than their yoking and making progress in lineal fashion into the future with and by believers out of Christian love. A premium is placed in smooth transitioning from static Confucianism and Christianity embracing education, meritocracy, social harmony and order. (shrink)

This study examines the dynamics of cultural politics in reality television shows featuring North Korean resettlers in South Korea. As existing studies focus on the role of media representation reproducing a dominant ideology for the resettlers, this paper focuses on the specific media rituals of NKR2 programs, which can be seen as a product of the neoliberalist localization process of the global media industry. In doing so, this paper demonstrates how NKR2 programs interrupt the current dynamics of emotions (...) in regard to North Korean resettlers in South Korea. We argue that in shaping civic identity as an effect of the NKR2 show, cultural politics of citizenship in South Korea on North Korean resettlers serve the formation of relatively conservative and sexist civic identity. (shrink)