Despite its anti-religious character, totalitarian discourse, in the years 1949–1956 filling the entire space of Polish official culture, had its Catholic segment. Within this segment, there occurred a transformation of the religious net of concepts into semantic units of totalitarian language, a transformation of Catholic worldview narratives into Stalinist ones. This text aims to describe the semiotic mechanisms of such transformation. The relations between the initial semiosphere of language and the sub-semiosphere of its totalitarian variant are described. Presented here is (...) a proposal for a theoretical description of the transformation of signs and texts of natural language into totalitarian ones, and an analysis of its possible strategies: renomination of signs, resemantization of texts, and incorporation of signs and texts from foreign semiotic fields. The material analyzed here comes mainly from the weekly magazine Dziś i Jutro and from other parts of the discursive field of Polish Catholic journalism, which tended towards the official discourse, including periodicals of the circles of Catholic priests ready to institutionally cooperate with the communist authorities. (shrink)

Resumo: A educação, a superior em particular, tem sido uma questão central nas políticas do Estado em Angola. E como compromisso, o Estado angolano tem-na definida como bem-público, o que implica uma série de medidas relacionadas ao seu acesso, seus processos de gestão e também os mecanismos de financiamento. Como resultado das disputas ideológicas na esfera do Estado, e também a emergência da economia de mercado em Angola, a condição de bem-público da educação é capturada pelos agentes do mercado que (...) adentram a esfera da educação. A emergência dos empresários da educação, bem como as demandas do mercado de trabalho e as políticas de carreiras transformaram a educação numa questão que supera as agendas públicas dos governos. Neste texto, vamos relatar a realidade proporcionada pelas políticas da educação superior na esfera do Estado. Compreendemos que o Estado é colocado diante do desafio de salvaguardar a condição de bem público através da regulação do sector e seus processos, por outro lado, é impelido pelas dinâmicas dos grupos hegemónicos nas esferas políticas e económicas, a condescender com a privatização da educação. Palavras-chave: Educação Superior; Bem-Público; Ideologia; Mercado. Higher Education in Angola: education as public good and the market challenges Abstract: Education, higher education in particular, has been at the core of the Angolan State policies. As a state commitment, education is defined as public good, which implies a set of measures related to its access, management processes, and financing mechanisms. Due to the ideological disputes within the state, as well as the emergence of the market, the ideal of education as public good is captured by the market agents who entered the education sphere. The emerge of the education entrepreneurship, also the labor market demands, and job career policies turned education into an issue beyond the government agenda. In this text, we relate the reality set up by the government education policies. It is our understanding that the state faces the challenge of safeguarding the public-good by regulating the sector, on the other hand, is impelled by the hegemonic groups to consent the privatization of education. Key-Words: Higher Education; Commoonweal; Public Good; Ideology; Market. L´ Enseignement supérieur angolais : l'éducation en tant que bien public face aux défis du marché Résumé : L'éducation, l'enseignement supérieur en particulier, a longtemps été au cœur des politiques de l'État angolais. En tant qu'engagement, l'État angolais définit l´éducation comme un bien public, ce qui implique la mise en place d´un ensemble de mesures liées à son accès, à ses processus de gestion ainsi qu´à ses mécanismes de financement. En raison des conflits idéologiques au sein de l'État ainsi que de l'émergence de l´économie de marché en Angola, l'idéal de l'éducation en tant que bien public est pris en compte par les agents du marché qui investissent dans le domaine. L'émergence de l'entrepreneuriat dans l'éducation, ainsi que les exigences du marché du travail et les politiques de carrière professionnelle ont fait de l'éducation une question qui va au-delà de l'agenda du gouvernement. Dans ce texte, nous présenterons la réalité proporcionnée par les politiques éducatives gouvernementales puisque, nous comprenons que l'État est confronté au défi de sauvegarder le bien public en réglementant le secteur d´une part et de l'autre, il est poussé par les groupes hégémoniques appartenant à la sphère politique et économique à consentir à la privatisation de l'éducation. Mots-clés: Enseignement Supérieur; Bien Public; Idéologie; Marché. Data de registro: 29/05/2023 Data de aceite: 26/10/2023. (shrink)

Pax Romana as background of the Christian kerygma: The concept ‘kingdom of God’ is fundamental to the kerygma on the salvific meaning of Jesus Christ in New Testament times. This article aims to explore the raison d’être why this concept had been such an important element in the kerygma. It argues that the Pax Romana as the primary ideology of the Roman Empire played a significant role. The Pax Romana advocated harmony with the gods, and subsequent heavenly peace and global (...) stability and security in the inhabited world. However, the kerygma replaced the Pax Romana as an ideology with the apocalyptic-eschatological concept ‘kingdom of God’. According to apocalyptic eschatology, an end to the known world is expected. This end was considered to be a cataclysmic catastrophe awaiting in the future, albeit indeterminate to humankind. On the contrary, the church’s kerygma proclaimed that the kingdom of God was already present. An element of Jewish apocalyptism, however, remained in the Christian religion - yet adjusted. That is, although the kingdom of God was regarded already present, the idea of a second coming of Christ as Redeemer was upheld. The article demonstrates that the Christian kerygma on the realised kingdom of God had its origins in the expectation of an utopia, as envisaged in the Pax Romana as ideology. (shrink)

Pax genes are a family of development control genes that encode nuclear transcription factors. They are characterized by the presence of the paired domain, a conserved amino acid motif with DNA‐binding activity. Originally, paired‐box‐containing genes were detected in Drosophila malenogaster, where they exert multiple functions during embryogenesis. In vertebrates, Pax genes are also involved in embryogenesis. Mutations in four out of nine characterized Pax genes have been associated with either congenital human diseases such as Waardenburg syndrome (PAX3), Aniridia (PAX6), Peter's (...) anomaly (PAX6), renal coloboma syndrome (PAX2), Small eye (Pax6), (Pax21Neu), which all show defects in development. Recently, analysis of spontaneous and transgenic mouse mutants has revealed that vertebrate Pax genes are key regulators during organogenesis of kidney, eye, ear, nose, limb muscles, vertebral column and brain. Like their Drosophila counterparts, vertebrate Pax genes are involved in pattern formation during embryogenesis, possibly by determiing the time and place of organ initiation of morphogenesis. For most tissues, however, the nature of the primary development action of Pax transcription factors remains to be elucidated. One predominant theme is signal transduction during tissue interactions, which may lead to a position‐specific regulation of cell proliferation. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Pax Americana and the World of Music EducationEstelle R. Jorgensen (bio)It may seem ironic to speak of a Pax Americana at a time when the United States is prosecuting a war and its aftermath.1 Still, imperialism, or the desire to keep the peace on one's own terms, has led other nations into war when their will and power was frustrated and thwarted. My purpose in this essay is to (...) raise four important and interrelated questions: What are the political tasks that hopeful music teachers, administrators, and those interested in their work need to undertake to pursue an ethically universalistic, democratic, and humane education? What are some guiding principleswhereby music educators and policy-makers can navigate this territory? What are the conditions that would facilitate educational dialogue of the sort that is needed? How should music to be taught in order to achieve the intellectual objectives necessary in dialogical education? I view these questions from the limited musical perspective of the Western classical tradition — a misnomer since it is now an international tradition practiced around the world by people of many different languages, ethnicities, and cultures — and in the context of my position that this tradition merits transformation.2 This is a particularly interesting example since its roots originally are European, Eastern, and African, and it potentially subverts the predominant American popular musical culture of our time.Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri write of a global empire in the making and the seeds of its decline and fall, the multitudes that arise against it and the challenges they encounter in making their voices heard in the political arena.3 The forces of globalization, interwoven as they are with those of capitalism and the ideologies that foster it, are so pervasive that it is difficult for nation states to resist. The powers of nation-states decline while pervasive internationalism lies like an "epidermis" over the many nation-states, religions, languages, and ways of life that characterize societies on planet earth.4 The United States might champion capitalism and its own [End Page 1] breed of democratic ideology, yet globalization engulfs it such that it becomes the creature of its own making. Its values and culture might lie at the heart of the cultural, economic, and political agents of globalization — the multinational corporations with their corresponding distribution networks, interlocking international corporate directorships, licensing agreements, technological inventions, and powerful political and religious liaisons — yet even the United States becomes the child of forces it has exported throughout the world and that it is now unable to control. A culture of fear and violence pervades the country.5 Outsourcing, off-shore export of production capacity, the power of the profit motive, and management decisions made far from the particular places they impact leave many Americans without jobs and security, and a sense of powerlessness to change their circumstances — a phenomenon that also appears in other countries. Eventually, as Hardt and Negri posit in Marxian vein, the people impacted by these developments both here and abroad begin to organize themselves and rise against the oppression they may at first sense if not fully understand; in the beginning they may march peacefully but as their anger and frustration grow, they may eventually revolt. One need not buy into their particular reading of history to notice that, at least over the long term of decades or centuries, there seem to be limits on the human willingness to tolerate oppression; when their patience is eventually exhausted, people resist, subvert, escape, or overthrow their oppressors.One of the particular challenges of our time is the "polyvocality" of contemporary societies. Globalism may constitute the epidermis overlying these "multiplicities and pluralities" but underneath are the hosts of differing tribes, religions, languages, colors, and identities. Ways need to be found for people to dwell together in peace and debate and reconcile their differences without resorting to violence.6 In such a world, even in societies that espouse democratic ideals and principles, moral conflicts cannot be avoided, and differences between and among individuals and groups are often deeply rooted, persistent, and pervasive. This necessitates forging mechanisms that enable deliberation about how to solve the conflicts that necessarily arise.7 Seyla... (shrink)

After the sharp confiicts between the government and the medical unions in 1964 on the occasion of the health insurance reform, which introduced the «agreement system» for medical fees and repayments, a form of bargaining economy has developed in Belgian health care, with sick funds and medical unions as the major parties. This «Pax Medica» seems to be threatened by a series of financially motivated government measures aimed at reducing the medical group's professional autonomy and dominance. This article discusses the (...) historical context, the parties involved and the development of these confiicts, pointing out the striking analogy with those of 1964, particularly as far as the unions strategy is concerned. The present state of affairs suggests not a threatening of the «Pax Medica», but rather a stabilization of the established power relationship between government, sick funds and medical unions, which will respect and continue the rules of democratic compromise. (shrink)

From the late 1960s to the early 1980s, a team of U.S. political scientists and computer specialists designed an automated, computerized information system that could ostensibly forecast conflict earlier and more accurately than human analysts. Named the Crisis Early Warning and Monitoring System (EWAMS), it sought to bring international relations scholarship and U.S. national security policy—traditionally qualitative and interpretive domains—under the jurisdiction of a man–machine system. Drawing together the histories of social science, computing, and foreign policy, this essay argues that (...) deep epistemic insecurities led social scientists to apply information technology to the production of policy knowledge. Computers, they hoped, could overcome the innate cognitive limitations that imperiled human decision making. By showing how social scientists’ computational zeal overshadowed their commitment to human agency, this essay also demonstrates that the history of science has an important role to play in contemporary debates about the implications of big data projects for knowledge and policy. (shrink)

In this book, Anthony J. Parel makes the controversial argument that despite Gandhi's contributions to religion, nonviolence, civil rights, and civil disobedience, his most significant contribution was that as a political philosopher.

The paper investigates Kant's usage of the legal-political symbolism of war and peace in his self-interpretation of the historical role of the critical philosophy. The focus is on Kant's late essay, "Announcement of the Imminent Conclusion of a Treatise on Perpetual Peace in Philosophy" from 1796. The essay is placed in thecontemporary context of Kant's controversy with the historian and publicist, Johann Georg Schlosser, who had reduced Kant's transcendental philosophy to the mechanical operations of a "manufacturing industry for the production (...) of mere form" and had misread Kant's moral philosophy as requiring complete cognition ofnature for arriving at the formation of the categorical imperative. Kant's reply to Schlosser places the refutation of the latter's charges into the broader context of the cultural function of philosophy as an area for intellectual warfare. On Kant's view, neither dogmatic pseudo-victories nor skeptical pseudo-truces are able to assure a lasting peace in philosophical debates. Only the critical balance between the theoretical restriction of reason to possible experience and its practical enlargement to unconditional principles of action is able to pacify the world of thought into a peace of mind armed with strong arguments. (shrink)