Is statecraft soulcraft? Should we look to our souls and selves in assessing the quality of our politics? Is it the business of politics to cultivate, shape, or structure our internal lives? Summarizing and answering the major theoretical positions on these issues, Peter Digeser formulates a qualified permission to protect or encourage particular forms of human identity. Public discourse on politics should not preclude talk about the role of reason in our souls or the importance of wholeness and community to (...) our selves or the significance of autonomy for individuals. However, those who seek to place only their own conception of the self or soul within the reach of politics are as mistaken as those who would completely preclude such matters from the political realm. In proposing this view, Digeser responds to communitarians, classical political rationalists, and genealogists who argue that liberal culture fragments, debases, or normalizes our selves. He also critically analyzes perfectionist liberals who justify liberalism by virtue of its ability to cultivate autonomy and authenticity, as well as liberal neutralists who wish to avoid altogether the problem of selfcraft. All these, he argues, fall short in some way in defining the extent to which politics should be concerned with the self. (shrink)

It centers on the capacity of victims and creditors to release transgressors and debtors from their moral and financial debts. "If justice is a matter of receiving one's due," he says, "then political forgiveness entails releasing one's due." Neverthless, political forgiveness remains connected to justice in important ways.".

Realism in international relations theory is frequently understood to entail the abandonment or cynical manipulation of moral rules and principles. But realism has always been more than an amoral or immoral doctrine. More interesting versions of realism offer moral justifications for limiting the role of morality. We argue for a version of realism that flows from the function of the liberal democratic state as an indispensable condition of value. After setting out its central characteristics, we also argue that this liberal (...) democratic realism can adequately address four severe criticisms typically raised against realism in general. (shrink)