The Church Father Jerome is well-known for his translation (or revision) of the Latin Bible which later was named Vulgate. He did not translate from the Greek as was the case with the so-called Vetus Latina but he sought the Hebrew truth (hebraica veritas). However, this raises the question as to how good his understanding of the Hebrew language actually was. Therefore it is asked where Jerome might have learned Hebrew and who his Jewish interlocutors might have been.

The name of Rufinus the Syrian (as presumed author of the Liber de Fide) is frequently given for the hitherto unidentified translator of part of the Vulgate New Testament. The evidence of the text of the Liber, however, does not support the claim that it is a witness to a Vulgate text. Furthermore, the biblical text in the Liber is frequently independent of even the Vetus Latina tradition, and shows close dependence on a Greek original. The use made (...) of biblical proof-texts further points to Greek sources for the theology and anthropology presented in the Liber de Fide. (shrink)

Les correctoires sont des recueils de notes critiques sur le texte (latin) de la Vulgate. Est donné comme exemple le correctoire Sorbonne II (ms. BnF lat. 15554, seconde partie) sur Osée. On y perçoit la richesse des sources (texte massorétique, vieilles latines et manuscrits de la Vulgate, Pères de l’Église, autres correctoires) et on a un exemple de la méthode : les auteurs comparent les textes de leurs bibles au texte massorétique pour déterminer les interpolations, les omissions et (...) les modifications ; ils sont attentifs aux questions de ponctuation. (shrink)

The most of Christian traditions embrase the notion of sacrament. This notion deals with the church directives in a narrow meaning. According to Saint Augustine, the sacrament is a visible action of an invisible grace thus the Church, the Christ, the Bible, being material phenomena where two natures combine, are also considered to be sacraments. Therefore, the author of the article presents the Bible as the most outstanding and the most visible example of a sacrament in a broad meaning. Using (...) the examples of the attitude change to the Bible in the Catholic tradition, the author studies the move from the sacral perception of the text in the decisions made at the Council of Trent to its open sacramental understanding in the documents of the Second Vatican Council and its post-council decisions. Due to the fact that Ukrainian scholars and local clergy theologically poorly interpreted the Bible as a Word of God in the Catholic tradition, the goal of this article is to make a diachronic comparison of the results of the Council of Trent and the Second Vatican Council, which allows to show the change dynamics in the attitude of the Catholic Church to the Bible. The Council of Trent was a reaction of the Catholic Church to the emergence and achievements of the Reformation and its important principle Sola Scriptura. The Council approved two doctrinal documents on the Sacred Scripture: the first one deals with the Scripture canon and the relations between the Scripture and the Sacred Tradition, and the second one defines which text of the Scripture is to be considered sacred and official and how to interpret this text. The author concludes that the Council limited the Sacred Tradition only with faith and moral issues, meaning spheres of doctrines and piety, and recognized Latin translation of the Bible - Vulgate - to be the only official version to have a sacred meaning and "a sacred book per se". The Bible is admitted to be a closed book, separated from the readers and receivers of the Gospel, which is prohibited for an autonomous interpretation. On the contrary, the Second Vatican Council and its documents, in their essence, had a pastoral task, manifested in an attempt of giving a comprehensible overview of the Catholic Church doctrine for the world community. Therefore, the author asserts that the last 400 years of the history of the Catholic doctrine show serious changes in its attempt of contextualization and mark its main peculiarity: reaction to the modern society challenges and needs. The task of the Second Vatican Council was to clarify the nature of the Sacred Scripture, which had to balance the Tradition and a new approach to the Scripture. Based on the analysis of the documents of the mentioned Councils and the commentaries of the authoritative Catholic preachers, the author concludes that the new approach to the Sacred Scripture essentially points to the open sacral and sacramental character of the Bible. The author emphasizes the modern approach to the sacrality of the Bible not only as to a "sacral book per se", but also in its sacral effect on the reader. The researcher asserts that new changes declared in Dei verbum and Verbum Domini, which emphasize the pastoral effect of the Bible as a way of knowing Jesus Christ, are crucial for the building relations between various Christian movements, especially for the Catholic and Protestant traditions. (shrink)

De Marius Victorinus à la Nouvelle Vulgate, ces deux versets ont été dans l’exégèse latine le lieu d’interrogations sur la signification du terme grec ξένοι et sur le rapport des Juifs et des Non-Juifs avant et après le Christ. Ils ont permis d’approfondir le sens théologique de l’hospitalité. Ils ont aussi contribué à développer l’idée d’un dépassement de l’antique hospitalité en vue d’une fraternité universelle dans une cité ou une demeure commune. Il serait dommage d’oublier ou de négliger cet (...) héritage biblique, en particulier dans la réflexion contemporaine sur l’unité européenne. (shrink)

In this article, I offer two different formalizations for prescriptions which correspond to two different forms of biblical prohibitions. I discuss the known fact that the prohibitive commandments of the Decalogue according to the Septuagint and the Vulgate, Exodus 20 and Deuteronomy 5, are formulated with normative future tense indicatives. However, the Greek and Latin sources provide in Mark 10:19 variants of five biblical prohibitive commandments which are formulated with prohibitive subjunctives. I argue that there are semantic differences between (...) normative future tense indicatives and prohibitive subjunctives. These semantic differences are of importance for the understanding of the Decalogue. (shrink)

Une vulgate interprétative a repéré chez Bergson deux intentions majeures : d'une part, celle de montrer que le temps d'Einstein est compatible avec la conception de la durée : d'autre part, celle de subordonner le temps einsteinien au temps vécu. Les pages qui suivent seront l'occasion pour nous d'ébranler le second volet de cette interprétation. Sans le réfuter de point en point, nous voudrions en effet montrer que de nombreux passages de l'oeuvre bergsonienne permettent d'atténuer l'idée que Bergson ait (...) inféodé le temps d'Einstein au sien propre. L'intérêt principal de cette tâche sera défaire contrepoids à une conception bien ancrée, mais excessive, et de montrer que le temps de la relativité restreinte a pleine valeur non seulement dans le cadre des sciences physiques en général, mais aussi clans celui du bergsonisme en particulier. (shrink)

Abstract The Marxian vulgate, which long dominated the historiography of the French Revolution, and which was broadly accepted in the social sciences, is no longer sustainable. But newer attempts to frame the issue of class in entirely linguistic terms, producing the claim that France had no bourgeoisie because few people explicitly described themselves as ?bourgeois,? are not entirely convincing. The Revolution brought into being, and helped to sustain, a new social group: the ?state bourgeoisie,? which defined itself by its (...) education and by state service, and which was socially cohesive and exclusive. Thus, the Revolution can be seen as ?bourgeois? not in the sense of having been caused by a rising bourgeoisie, but in the sense that it caused one to rise. (shrink)

Université libre de BruxellesThe vulgate text at Prop. 3.10.17–18 reads as follows: et pete, qua polles, ut sit tibi forma perennis inque meum semper stent tua regna caput. 17–18 om. N 17 polles T, uulgo: pelles FLP.

This article poses the question of the social and intellectual conditions for genuine social scientific internationalism, through an analysis of the worldwide spread of a new global vulgate resulting from the false and uncontrolled universalization of the folk concepts and preoccupations of American society and academe. The terms, themes and tropes of this new planetary doxa - `multiculturalism', `globalization', `liberals versus communitarians', `underclass', racial `minority' and identity, etc. - tend to project and impose on all societies American concerns and (...) viewpoints, thereby transfigured into tools of analysis and yardsticks of policy fit to naturalize the peculiar historical experience of one peculiar society, tacitly instituted as a model for humanity. The article suggests how the logic of the international circulation of ideas, the transformations of the academic field, the strategies of foundations and publishers, and of local collaborators in global conceptual `import-export' converge to foster a particularly powerful and pernicious form of cultural imperialism of which academics are at once perpetrators and victims. (shrink)

This book revisits the encounter between Chinese and Western philosophy while unfolding questions about the way "comparative philosophy" is conducted today. In the vulgate of intellectual history, "Western thought" has constructed a substantialist view of reality that puts "relations" and "processes" into a subordinate position. The same view explains for the primacy given to the autonomy of individual beings. In contrast, according to the same vulgate, Chinese thought has been mainly stressing the fluidity of all phenomena and forms (...) of life so as to best adapt to their overarching patterns. I label such vision the Disneyland of comparative philosophy. It deciphers texts, partly in function of concepts that it extracts from them, partly according to notions that are superimposed over these texts. The two first chapters are focused upon the Western version of the "Disneyland of comparative philosophy." The third chapter shifts to Chinese narratives about local, comparative and global philosophies. In contrast to these approaches, the fourth chapter offers a blueprint as to the way to engage different philosophical traditions into tasks they define and share together. A last chapter presents four cases of ongoing transcultural philosophical dialogues and the promises they bear. Once it develops outside pre-formatted narratives, the web shaped by our philosophies and wisdoms suggests the outlines of a world that we could inhabit together. (shrink)

Modern editions read vulgate (nominative). This yields a different syntax: a rapid double change of subject or, equivalently, a parenthesis interrupting the flow of the sentence. This possibility, raised and dismissed by Eustathius, goes unmentioned by modern scholars, who are often in general (unlike their second-century counterpart Nicanor) ill-disposed to Homeric parentheses. A survey of Homeric parentheses shows the phenomenon in general and the specific instance postulated at Od. 24.398 to be unobjectionable. The validity of the terms and for (...) Homeric discourse is also defended. (shrink)

In her masterly article on this passge, Dr. Christiane Sourvinou-Inwood goes most of the way towards solving two serious problems: the text of Lys. 645, where the vulgate makes the ‘bears’ more than ten years old, contrary to all other evidence; and the meaning of of A. Ag. 239 . She argues cogently that in Aeschylus means ‘shedding’ the saffron robe, as most editors including Fraenkel have thought, and not ‘letting her robes fall to the ground’ as Lloyd-Jones, followed (...) by Page, has argued. (shrink)

I argue for the interpretation of Anaximander's world as an unstable system. The inconsistency found by scholars in Theophrastus/Simplicius' text disappears when it is realized that the elemental forces of nature do not change into each other. They are in the Infinite in time as well as in space. To some extent preference is given to Aristotle's evidence over the doxographical vulgate habitually derived from Theophrastus, though of course the Theophrastean passage containing the verbatim quotation remains the primary witness.

IGM form a unified group and we denote their consensus by the sign Z; in the absence of I we signify the consensus of GM with £. It will be seen that in the earlier part of Book I this family is reduced to M. Here one may sometimes call on the help of Harleianus 2564 saec. xv, which we call h; this manuscript, though overlaid with the vulgate text, shows a number of striking readings which reveal a source (...) closely related to G. At the end of the poem we lack the guidance of A, which, though not free from interpolations, is by far the most sincere witness; here the testimony of Cantabrigiensis Pembrokianus 280 saec. xii, which we call F and which in the earlier books shows more fidelity to the A-tradition than any other manuscript, is sometimes useful, though it cannot be relied on without grave reservations. Editors usually quote Monacensis 8122 as if it were a primary witness; it is nothing of the sort, but rather a much corrupted and interpolated offshoot of the A-tradition diluted by some contamination from Z. We use ω to indicate the mass of the vulgar manuscripts and ς to indicate some of them. (shrink)

Jābāli, one of the priest-cum-counsellors of king Daśaratha, has long been recognized as an odd character, preaching materialism in order to persuade Rāma to go back to Ayodhyā after the death of his father. The critical edition of the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa reveals several stanzas interpolated in the vulgate so as to denigrate Jābāli and brand him as a rank opportunist. In spite of that, whatever remains of Jābāli’s speech addressed to Rāma evinces one of the basic tenets of materialist (...) ontology, i.e., denial of the existence of any other-world, and hence the futility of performing rites for the ancestors. However, nothing is said about the epistemology,, ethics, and metaphysics of materialism as it existed at the time when the Rāmāyaṇa was redacted. Considering all this it is better to call Jābāli a proto-materialist who speaks of a philosophy akin to the teachings of Ajita Kesakambala, a senior contemporary of the Buddha, whose doctrine has been dubbed as that of annihilation in the Tipiṭaka. Both of them belong to the pre-Cārvāka materialist tradition in India. (shrink)

Dans les textes anciens du Canon Romain aussi bien que dans le Missale Romanum de 1570 et 1970 les paroles de consécration parlent de sang qui sera versé . Ce temps futur a été longtemps accepté comme consistant avec la traduction dans la Vulgate de Jérôme du participe ekunnomenon qui apparaît dans des textes des trois évangiles synoptiques. Cependant, en 1979 la Nuova Vulgata Bibliorum, publiée pour servir de nouveau texte officiel de la Vulgate dans l'Eglise catholique, substitua (...) un temps présent . L'étude présente explique que même si ekunnomenon est en fait au temps présent, l'aspect verbal établi par sa position dans la citation sur la coupe dénote un événement futur: l'effusion du sang à la crucifixion. L'analyse critique textuelle montre que le sens d'un temps futur fut reconnu par l'ancien traducteur latin et par St. Jérôme. L'étude montre que même si un sens de temps présent peut sembler supporter la Transubstantiation en suggérant que le sang est répandu pour ceux qui boivent du calice, en fait il diminue la doctrine, comme les protestans du 16ème siecle l'ont reconnu. L'usage du sens du temps présent pour décrire une action affectant le sang de l'alliance ne manque pas seulement de mettre en évidence que ce qui sera répandu au Calvaire en expiation a la même identité que ce qui est déjà dans la coupe, mais diminue l'historicité de l'institution eucharistique de Jésus à la veille de sa mort. (shrink)

Qu'est-ce que la sophistique? Un mouvement des Lumieres, rationalisation de l'essor democratique dans les cites grecques? Ou au contraire un conservatisme d'hommes epris de culture et de beau langage? Une philosophie de la conscience et de l'authenticite existentielle, ou une pratique utilitariste et devoyee des pouvoirs du logos, une non-philosophie? Le lecteur francais, reduit jusqu'ici a une vulgate platonico-aristotelicienne, ignore l'existence et les enjeux d'un debat, qui n'est pourtant pas de pure erudition. C'est un debat d'histoire de la philosophie, (...) qui engage les procedures et les strategies selon lesquelles la philosophie a fabrique et utilise son alter ego. C'est un debat hermeneutique, qui rend manifeste la pregnance et les divergences des horizons qui servent a interpreter les quelques vestiges anthentiquement sophistiques parvenus jusqu'a nous. C'est enfin un debat de pensee, propre a suggerer que des alternatives qui vont de soi - comme progres ou reaction, ethique ou immoralite, raison ou irrationalisme -, peuvent se trouver deplacees, dans tous les sens du terme, a l'occasion d'un examen plus attentif et instruit du discours sophistique. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Buddhist-Christian Studies 20 (2000) 296-298 [Access article in PDF] Book Review Le Sutra D'amida Prêché Par Le Buddha Le Sutra D'amida Prêché Par Le Buddha. By Jérôme Ducor. Schweizer Asiatische Studien: Monographien; Vol. 29. Bern: Peter Lang, 1998. 216 pp. Paper. $35.95 (in U.S.A.; available from the New York office of the publisher) It is immediately clear that this edition of the Smaller Sukhavativyuha Sutra must be regarded as (...) the standard work on it in a European language. Ducor is both a scholar (at the University of Lausanne and at the Museum of Ethnography in Geneva) and a practitioner (an ordained minister of the Honganji branch of Jodo Shinshu) [End Page 296] and he combines his skills to produce a well-rounded and balanced treatment that demonstrates, by comparison, the limitations of the standard Buddhological approach to Sutra studies.The methodology of sutra translation is, I believe, a Buddhist-Christian problem, since, ostensibly Buddhist, it often proceeds along crypto-Christian lines. Why do we translate sutras at all? Or, rather, why are the sutras as a rule translated nude, as it were, quivering in the scholar's spotlight, bereft of their seemly covering of s´astras? Sutras are, by themselves, largely unintelligible. They are nuggets of Dharma, to be, on the one hand, digested by the teachers so that they might (to paraphrase St. Bernard of Clairvaux) proffer the milk of nourishing discourses to their disciples and, on the other hand, chanted in mystifying, often artificial, languages, for their meritorious and pacifying effect. When chanted, it is the sound that matters, not the meaning. It is said that a pigeon was reborn as a monk because Asaga compassionately chanted out loud the texts that he was studying. We are to suppose that the fortunate pigeon was not well versed in Sanskrit, yet it benefited remarkably from the chanting. Ducor is aware of this traditional use of the sutras and includes a discussion on "The Amida Sutra in Liturgical Practice" (pp. 131-137). He cites Gyoyo, writing in fifteenth-century Japan, to the effect that the incomprehensible Sino-Japanese "preserves multiple meanings: the masses, on hearing them, mysteriously, according to their capacities, achieve enlightenment," whereas the Japanese translation "bears only a single sense" and therefore "for normal chanting it is best to chant in the Sino-Japanese pronunciation" (p. 134).But Eurocentric, especially Anglophone, Buddhologists have insisted on translating only the sutras and ignoring their attendant s´astras. Often enough the translations are done from an archaic or even an invented version which is never used in practice but is preferred simply because it is in Sanskrit. The scholar then searches, in the presumed "more original" text, for precisely that single meaning against which Gyoyo warns us. Something seems familiar. Can it be Martin Luther whom we espy lurking behind our Monier Williams? Are we still in thrall to Max Muller, who, even after having naturalized as British, was evangelisch to the core and fought in the Academy under the banner of sola scriptura, believing, with Luther, that a sacred text, because it is revealed, is most truly interpreted by reference to itself, and that its meaning would only be obscured by a human, and therefore fallible, commentary? Perhaps: for the bionic Belgian Buddhologists, we note, were more Catholic in their approach, and translated the summa of the great Buddhist scholastics.The point is that a sutra can only be said to have been properly presented for our study when it is displayed in its native context, that is, with full reference to the commentarial tradition. Ducor does this. He opens with a translation from the rufubon (the textus receptus or "vulgate" as he calls it) version of the Chinese, attributed to Kumarajiva, and follows it with notes on Kumarajiva, on the principal doctrines of the sutra, and on the place of the sutra in the trilogy (sambukyo) tradition in Japan. Then he repeats the translation, interspersing it with references to the commentaries in China, Korea, and Japan. This is followed by detailed textual notes... (shrink)

In Greek mythology, Lamia, daughter of the king of Libya, bore several children to Zeus, but his jealous wife, Hera, killed all but one of them. Transformed by grief and anger, Lamia became a monster with the manners and physical traits of an animal. The word lamia can also be found in the form of an appellative. In the book of Isaiah in the Vulgate, the lamia is among the animals, beasts and monsters which will despoil Jerusalem when God's (...) judgement befalls the city. Ancient zoological works use the word to indicate what is probably a species of shark, while medieval encyclopedias add several other meanings: lamia denotes, among other things, a hybrid creature which looks like a woman with horse legs; and a four-legged animal which damages plants in gardens at night and is likely to attack people it encounters. The origins of most ancient, early-Christian and medieval conceptions of the lamia have been traced more or less satisfactorily; the only tradition which remains unexplained is that of the fierce quadruped which threatens property and people's lives. The purpose of the present Note is to explore the origins of this ferocious creature, to determine what animal or animals may have inspired it, and to map the ways in which it entered medieval culture under the new name of lamia. The answers to these questions are to be found in the medieval reception of Aristotle's zoological observations, through the Arabic and Latin translations of his Historia animalium. (shrink)

Most editors and commentators have acquiesced without enthusiasm in the reading in Creta religasset at 174, though Mynors in his Oxford text reverted to what had been the old vulgate in Cretam religasset ; Vulpius' . If we read in Cretam, the sense must be ‘ had not untied his rope.

That family of Manilius' MSS which is now usually called the second, and is designated by the letter β, made its first decisive entrance into criticism in the year 1739. The early vulgate had shaped itself out of hybrid copies in which the tradition of the two families α and β was indistinguishably blended; one good and ancient representative of α, the Gemblacensis, was brought into employment by Scaliger in 1600: but the testimony of β was never disengaged and (...) isolated until Bentley's edition made public the readings of the Leyden codex Vossianus 390. The next member of the family to emerge was Matritensis M 31, discovered in 1879 by Gustav Loewe and brought to general notice in the middle of 1893 by the simultaneous publication of two papers,—one by Mr Breiter in the Neue Jahrbuecher vol. 147 pp. 417–423, one by Prof. Ellis in Hermathena no. xix pp. 261–286. Two other MSS closely akin to this, Vrbinates 667 and 668 in the Vatican library, containing the first 82 verses of the poem, which the Matritensis has lost, are employed in an edition of Book i which I published in 1903. (shrink)

This third volume completes the text of the cycle of 294 English Wycliffite sermons; the first two volumes appeared in 1983 and 1987 respectively. The 120 sermons here were intended to provide material for all the weekday occasions for which the Sarum rite offers a separate gospel reading; such complete coverage of ferial days is unparalleled in English medieval homiliaries, and seems unknown elsewhere in contemporary European cycles of sermons. The introduction to the present book, which is intended to be (...) used along with the material in the previous volumes, describes the state of the text in these manuscripts and their relation to each other. Two further chapters consider questions relating to the whole cycle: the fidelity of the biblical translation in the sermons to the Vulgate texts; and the complicated issue of the relation between these English sermons and the Latin sermons of John Wyclif himself. A fourth volume will provide a commentary on the individual sermons, consider the recurrent issues discussed within them, and offer suggestions concerning the origins of the collection. (shrink)

On Roger Bacon's life and works, by A. G. Little.--Der einfluss des Robert Grosseteste auf die wissenschaftliche richtung des Roger Bacon, von Ludwig Baur.--La place de Roger Bacon parmi les philosophes du XIIIe siècle, par François Picavet.--Roger Bacon and the Latin vulgate, by Francis Aidan, cardinal Gasquet.--Roger Bacon and philology, by S. A. Hirsch.--The place of Roger Bacon in the history of mathematics, by David Eugene Smith.--Roger Bacon und seine verdienste um die optik, von Eilhard Wiedemann.--Roger Bacons lehre von (...) der sinnlichen spezies und vom seḣvorgange, von Sebastian Vogl.--Roger Bacons art des wissenschaftlichen arbeitens dargestellt nach seiner schrift De speculis, von J. Würschmidt.--Roger Bacon et l'horreur du vide, par Pierre Duhem.--Roger Bacon, his relations to alchemy and chemistry, by M. M. Pattison Muir.--Roger Bacon and gunpowder, by H. W. L. Hime.--Roger Bacon and medicine, by E. Withington. (shrink)

Lorsqu'on pense à la politique culturelle de l'URSS, un seul mot vient à l'esprit : jdanovisme. Tout le monde connaît Andreï Jdanov, le commissaire du peuple à la culture de Staline et ses diktats en matière de création. En revanche, on ignore tout de son " prédécesseur " et pour ainsi dire, son opposé : Anatole Vassiliévitch Lounatcharski. Nul hasard. L'idéologie a tout intérêt à réduire le communisme au goulag, Lénine à Staline, le matérialisme dialectique à Lyssenko et la critique (...) marxiste à quelques vulgates du réalisme socialiste. Mais pour tous ceux qui n'ont jamais accepté le communisme dans sa version momifiée, à commencer par Lénine lui-même, devenu pharaon malgré lui dans un mausolée sur la place rouge, il est enfin temps de découvrir son plus proche conseiller en matière de culture, Anatole Lounatcharski, philosophe, artiste et révolutionnaire. (shrink)

On croit connaître le Prince. En fait, on colporte parfois à son propos une vulgate interprétative fondée sur des approximations ou des partis pris de traduction dans des éditions françaises qui se répètent et s'engendrent l'une l'autre. Le texte paraît si " connu ", voire si " évident ", que l'on pourrait oublier ainsi de s'interroger sur le rapport des traductions avec l'original italien ; c'est une des raisons pour lesquelles le texte original (récemment établi par Giorgio Inglese sous (...) le titre de De principatibus) est publié, dans cette édition, en regard d'une traduction entièrement inédite. Le travail des traducteurs repose ici sur la reconstitution de la logique propre de la syntaxe, sans en gommer les condensations étranges voire les anacoluthes, sur le respect de la cohérence du lexique, sans sacrifier les multiples échos qui balisent l'ouvrage, mais aussi sur la tentative de retrouver le rythme si particulier de la prose machiavélienne qui a tant fait pour le succès de ce que Machiavel nomme " son opuscule ". Cette édition est accompagnée d'une présentation qui inscrit le texte dans son temps et dans le réseau complexe de ses enjeux politiques et théoriques. Elle comporte également un grand commentaire linéaire du Prince qui engage une nouvelle interprétation de l'œuvre. La postface permet de voir comment se forge et naît, dans l'écriture du Prince, une langue capable de rendre compte des " choses nouvelles " de la politique. (shrink)

L'histoire critique des textes bibliques a été conçue par Richard Simon comme un art de juger, selon des règles strictes, des meilleures leçons à conserver. Cette méthode, qui impose dans la traduction de l'Écriture une règle d'uniformité textuelle, aurait fait défaut selon lui dans la version du Nouveau Testament donnée à Port-Royal « selon la Vulgate, avec les différences du grec ». La critique à la manière de Richard Simon n'est cependant pour Antoine Arnauld, qui préfère l'uniformité du sens (...) à celle du texte, qu'un art sans jugement : c'est de l'extension de l'art de penser à une logique pour le contingent, que dépend à ses yeux une définition véritablement générale de la critique. The critical history of biblical texts was conceived by Richard Simon as an ars judicandi, whose rules had to be applied to the discrimination between true and false lessons. Concerning translation, this method required in his view a principle of textual uniformity, so he thought defective the Port-Royal version of The New Testament . Antoine Arnauld, however, gave preference to the semantic uniformity over the literal one, and stated that a real definition of critique in its logical generality ought to be supplied by the extension of the art of thinking to the case of contingent truths. (shrink)

Marxism has been for a long time the reference of the European Worker's Movement. It took the form of a millenarist faith and was embodied in large organizations. Orthodox marxism had no more reason for existence when the working class was integrated in the modern society.Communism gave a new inspiration but at the expense of an intellectual degeneration. When it became a state religion, marxism stopped to be creative and became a Gnosis. The varied forms of leftisms which emerged in (...) the sixties are the last avatar of marxism in the developped countries. But they have only a remote relationship with Marx's doctrine. The same process took place in the Third World where the marxist-leninist vulgate was absorbed by nationalism. (shrink)

Auguste Comte est mort en 1857. Sa philosophie et ses prolongements sociopolitiques et religieux font de la commémoration un devoir important. Aussi a-t-il paru judicieux de profiter de l’occasion pour éclairer une œuvre encore bien méconnue ou réduite à une vulgate triviale. Plusieurs colloques ont scandé l’année 2007 : l’un à la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme de Paris,..

Mundus istum M. Enius in the manuscripts of Att. 15.26.5 is surely corrupt, as has been unanimously acknowledged . Also the modern Vulgate Mundus iste cum M. Ennio, introduced by Wesenberg in his Teubner text, is an improbable guess. Shackleton Bailey has recently proposed Maenius or Menius as the gentile name of Mundus. Mennius, however, is a very rare name and does not occur in Republican documents, while Maenius, although attested in Republican inscriptions, diverges unnecessarily from the manuscript tradition. (...) Moreover, Shackleton Bailey must forcibly change istum to iste . But it is possible to avoid practically any infringement of the transmitted text if we simply read Mundus Istummenius. The name istumenius, istimenius , written in a wide variety of ways, does occur some 20 times in urban inscriptions, mostly of the early Imperial period. It is attested also outside Rome: at Velitrae , and even as far away as Gallia . This gens must therefore have been somehow present among the Roman population of the Julio-Claudian age. In particular, attention should be paid to an Instumennius on a tessera nummularia of 60 B.C. . No major figures occur in this gens, the name remaining restricted to the lower strata of the Roman population. That suits Mundus down to the ground. He clearly belongs to the grey mob of Rome. If he is, as it seems, identical with that Mundus mentioned in 15.29.1, then Cicero gives his family name in the first instance. The transmitted form with -mm- could represent a transposition of the double consonant of the common form Istumennius. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Brief Mention The Classicist’s ThirstP. A. S.( Od.11.582–92)These are some of the first lines I read of Greek poetry, thanks to Schoder’s Homeric Greek,and they are part of the reason I became a classicist. Their simplicity, directness, and clear statement of a man’s desperate longing for what is necessary and beautiful stirred my unformed youth and incited me to master as best I could this delightful impossible language. Forever (...) eager, forever denied, Tantalus now strikes me as the image of the scholar always hoping to reach and make his own the truth, always finding it receding from his lips, or scribbling pen.In each century, ever since Petrarch rediscovered Cicero’s letters and Livy’s decades and thought he had found kindred spirits, with whom he could converse directly over the ages, scholars have sought for methods of establishing a closer tie to the classical past and modes of relating it to their own world. Every century has built on what has gone before, while criticizing previous work as inadequate or wrongheaded. Petrarch began the search for manuscripts, reassembling the decades of Livy, and inspiring Boccaccio and later humanists in a chase for treasures that continued into the sixteenth century. But bare manuscripts were not enough: soon the need for a renewed study of grammar and diction became apparent, for the collation and emendation of texts, for translation into the vernacular.Let Poliziano stand for many: he brought to the work of emendation and interpretation of classical Latin texts a knowledge of Greek remarkable in his day, a precise familiarity with a wide range of authors and their commentators, and the technique of evaluating manuscripts by [End Page 143]their age. He would hunt out and note the readings of the earliest codices available—he found many in Florence, assembled by previous scholars—and emend the vulgate tradition, often using Greek texts to correct the Latin. With these tools he was able to make an outstanding contribution to the text and interpretation of authors. Each short essay of the Miscellaneorum centuria primaand the unfinished Centuria secundais cut like a small jewel, the ingenuity and insight of each facet flashing the brilliance of his method. How often he seems to have escaped Tantalus’ fate, and sipped the water, tasted that delicious fruit.Yet important as his work was, at a distance of time the elusive truth recedes, and must be sought all over again. The oldest manuscripts are not necessarily the best, stemmata can play strange tricks, contamination can confuse traditions, anonymous correctors are revealed as identifiable scholars. Methods are refined, new techniques tried, terminology clarified. Now Poliziano’s marvelous command of the Latin vocabulary is available to the undergraduate who troubles to do a word search on the PHI CD-ROM, though not with the linguistic skill or knowledge of context to use it well. Microfilm, copying machines, and air travel allow inspection of manuscripts scattered throughout the world. Students use texts annotated with the learning of five hundred years, and have at their fingertips information even a Poliziano could not know. Yet somehow our thirst is still there, our hunger not satisfied. The sense of the texts, the events and emotions of history, the culture of which they are a part, their meaning to our own lives, are still elusive.Poliziano’s methods have not relieved our thirst, nor have those of Bentley or Mommsen, of Wilamowitz or Gildersleeve, though they have brought us closer to understanding the ancient texts and the world that created them, and have given us a taste of that world, those people. Their work has brought us where we are today. The Estienne motto, found on the cover of the summer issues of the Journal,is apposite: Noli altum sapere. 1Some of the old limbs that did not bear fruit are pruned away and new ones grafted on, but the new depend on the vigor of the old trunk.Each scholar, each generation of scholars, is condemned—or privileged—to repeat the experience of searching for a better method of understanding, of stretching once more toward the receding water.This Journalhas... (shrink)

The pseudo-Ciceronian Epistula ad Octavianum enjoys the unmerited distinction of being preserved not only in most of the manuscripts which contain the Ad Atticum letters but also in some of those which contain the second half of the Ad Familiares letters; the former tradition is usually designated Ω, the latter I shall designate X. It was on the Ω tradition that the earliest printed texts were based. In the sixteenth century Cratander and Turnebus introduced a number of readings from the (...) X tradition; some of these were incorporated in the vulgate, but the printed editions from that of Lambinus to that of Purser still continued to be based mainly on Ω. In 1913, in an article in Eranos, xiii. 136–46, Sjögren set himself to prove that the value of Ω had been overrated in the establishment of the text, and that greater importance should be attached to X than to Ω; and in accordance with this view, in his 1914 Teubner text, Sjögren follows X, as against Ω, about twice as often3 as Purser does. This view of Sjögren's, I believe, will not stand examination, and to disprove it is the purpose of the present article. (shrink)