Pour penser le moment de l’après-expulsion, il faut franchir les limites de la souveraineté politique et des territoires qui lui sont attachés, pour envisager les effets sociaux et politiques induits par les mesures d’expulsion dans les pays d’origine et/ou de passage des migrants. Les refuges des migrants expulsés à la frontière du Mali et de l’Algérie montrent comment, dans une situation extrême d’abandon et d’isolement, ceux-ci s’organisent pour survivre, mais mettent également en place des stratégies de dépassement de la coercition (...) exercée à leur endroit par les pouvoirs étatiques. Les murs de leurs abris précaires marquent l’amorce d’une opposition organisée contre les murs des États.Any thinking on the moment that follows expulsion has to cross the bounds of political sovereignty and the territories it governs, to move into the social and political effects of expulsion that arise in migrants’ countries of origin and/or transit. The shelters erected by migrants expelled at the frontier between Mali and Algeria show how, in a situation of extreme abandonment and isolation, migrants not only organise their own survival but also develop strategies to overcome the coercion that the State apparatus exerts upon them. The walls that form these precarious shelters are the beginnings of organised opposition to the barriers erected by states. (shrink)

Les questions morales pénètrent nos représentations, nos pratiques, nos politiques. Qu'il s'agisse, dans le monde privé, d'interpréter les conduites des autres et de discipliner les siennes propres, ou bien, dans l'espace public, de sanctionner des déviances et de réguler des populations, nos sociétés mobilisent des normes, des valeurs et des affects, qu'illustrent notamment les tensions entre la raison humanitaire et l'ordre sécuritaire. Redonnant toute sa force critique au concept d'économies morales, les auteurs réunis ici par Didier Fassin et Jean-Sébastien Eideliman (...) en explorent les multiples facettes à travers une série d'enquêtes conduites sur quatre continents. Des lieux d'enfermement des étrangers en France aux prisons de haute sécurité aux Etats-Unis, de la stigmatisation des familles roms en Italie à la marginalisation des enfants de migrants en Chine, de la condamnation du tourisme sexuel en Thaïlande à l'évaluation des transactions amoureuses au Mali, des pratiques de charité en Inde aux politiques contre la pauvreté au Chili, les auteurs s'attachent à comprendre comment on gouverne et on juge, comment on assiste et on exclut. Mais ils montrent aussi que les professionnels et leurs publics n'adoptent pas de manière passive et uniforme ces modèles moraux : ils déploient des subjectivités éthiques pour résister ou " faire avec ", autour du handicap et de la toxicomanie, de l'asile et de la naturalisation, de la violence et de la finance. Cet ouvrage nous propose ainsi de penser la vie sociale et politique de la morale. (shrink)

This article explores the possibility of resistance under conditions of extreme state power in liberal democracies. It examines the strategies of migrants without legal status who, when threatened with one of the most awesome powers of the liberal state—expulsion—shed their legal identity in order to escape the state’s reach. Remarkably, in doing so, they often succeed in preventing the state from exercising its sovereign powers. The article argues that liberal states are uniquely constrained in their dealing with undocumented migrants. Not (...) only are they forced to operate within the constraints of the international legal order—making repatriation contingent on the possession of identity documents—but the liberal state is also constitutionally limited in its exercise of coercion against the individual. The article concludes that it is those individuals who have the weakest claims against the liberal state that are most able to constrain its exercise of sovereignty. (shrink)

L’exil des migrants de retour en Géorgie post-soviétique, en se doublant d’une rupture historique brutale et douloureuse avec le « temps d’avant », révèle la perception d’une autre forme d’exil, social et temporel. Cet exil temporel organise une perception du temps originale constituée de diverses ruptures qui sont mises en narration par les discours des migrants à travers la mobilisation de différents procédés narratifs destinés à restituer des parcours individuels heurtés au sein d’un temps socialement partageable. Ainsi, ces narrations (...) laissent apparaître la mise en scène du motif inaugural de la chute ainsi que le lien entre migration et peur de la fragmentation nationale. Elles révèlent également des polarités sociales que nous comprenons comme des perceptions temporelles différenciées. La dialectique rupture-continuité diffère donc selon la position sociale des enquêtés. Selon qu’on ait pu clore ou non les « années difficiles » post-soviétiques, elles sont considérées comme une transition achevée ou bien comme une crise perpétuelle en décalage avec la temporalité politique rapide du réformateur Mikhaïl Saakashvili.Ainsi, en se conjuguant aux rythmes précaires des mobilités, l’appréhension temporelle des migrants dont il est ici question se saisit au croisement de perspectives historiques et de celles des trajectoires migratoires et biographiques. (shrink)

Superficially, citizenship appears relatively simple: a legal status denoting political membership. However, critical citizenship studies scholars suggest that citizenship is first and foremost a political practice. When non-citizens, such as irregularised migrants, constitute themselves as citizens through their actions, irrespective of legal status, these practices of citizenship have transformational potential because they are extra-legal. Yet, there is an ambivalence here: rights-claiming migrants tend to frame their key demands within the terms of the law often by calling for the regularisation of (...) their status. This article addresses this ambivalence by adopting a ‘deconstructive method’ to investigate the legal dimensions of citizenship as sites of theoretical and political intervention. It is argued that practices of rights-claiming by irregularised migrants are important to grasp because they mobilise the paradoxes inherent to the fact that universal rights are enshrined in the constitutional texts of modern citizenship in order to generate new legal meanings and horizons of justice. This hypothesis is explored through a series of illustrative examples of rights-claiming taking place within and beyond the formal confines of legal orders. In so doing, the article sets out a novel conceptual framework for analysing how migrants’ claims to justice strategically negotiate citizenship in its legal form. (shrink)

Depuis 2011-2012, les milieux de migrants russes en France se mobilisent politiquement. On peut observer, d’une part, une mobilisation liée aux mouvements de protestation en Russie à la suite des élections jugées « truquées » et, d’autre part, une mobilisation encouragée par la politique de l’État russe envers « ses » émigrés. L’histoire, le passé, jouent un rôle primordial dans ces mobilisations. Du côté des autorités russes, les concepts et moments clés de l’histoire nationale sont mobilisés pour une (...) construction consensuelle qui est par la suite « imposée » aux migrants, perçus comme les messagers de la parole des autorités russes dans les pays d’accueil. Cependant, cette reconstruction historique par l’État russe se confronte à des contradictions qui sont à la fois internes au projet de l’État russe et relatives aux temporalités subjectives des migrants. Ces dernières fournissent autant de contrepoints et de formes de contestation, explicite ou non, au récit historique unifié que s’efforcent de bâtir les autorités russes. Ces temporalités subjectives se traduisent par des identifications : avec les années 1990 qui, dans le discours politique sur l’histoire russe, sont perçues comme des « années noires » ; avec une « classe sociale » qui appartient au passé ; et enfin, avec des segments spécifiques de l’histoire et de l’espace russes, loin des conceptions totalisantes forgées par le projet extraterritorial des autorités. (shrink)

El artículo se propone mostrar las formas que adquiere la construcción del nexo entre migración, seguridad y expulsabilidad de grupos específicos de migrantes, en este caso colombianos, en Antofagasta, una ciudad minera ubicada en el norte de Chile. A partir del análisis sostenemos que la criminalización del migrante colombiano está estrechamente ligada a su racialización, y que la validación y legitimidad que adquieren las ideas de expulsabilidad y rechazo son parte de este mismo proceso, pues al situarlo del otro lado (...) de las múltiples fronteras que se construyen —raciales, étnicas, de clase, de género, además de fronteras territoriales dentro de la propia ciudad—, su expulsión definitiva, o su rechazo en frontera, son el resultado final de un proceso previo de exclusión sistemática.La aproximación metodológica empleada en la investigación fue de carácter cualitativo, y recurrió principalmente a entrevistas a informantes clave, mayoritariamente actores vinculados a la generación e implementación de políticas públicas —funcionarios del gobierno regional y local, legisladores nacionales por la región, funcionarios de las fuerzas de seguridad, extranjería y el poder judicial—, aunque no exclusivamente —se entrevistó también a miembros de organizaciones sociales de y para migrantes, algunos migrantes residentes en campamentos, vecinos chilenos y miembros de la academia.El análisis de este caso específico aporta a la comprensión de las formas en que el régimen global de control de las migraciones se articula con procesos locales que definen su materialización específica. El caso de Antofagasta en particular habilita una reflexión respecto de lo que sucede con las políticas de control de las migraciones en contextos de desigualdad enmarcados en economías extractivistas, y en una ciudad que ha tenido una presencia histórica de población migrante. (shrink)

This paper aims to study the argumentative basis on which the prevention of migration is justified and hatred politics is institutionalised in three Mediterranean settings, namely Greece, Malta, and Italy, that were at the centre of the so-called ‘refugee crisis’ in 2015–2017. Following the rubric of corpus-assisted Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) to Critical Discourse Studies (CDS), we trace (a) the main meaningful patterns, and (b) discursive and argumentation strategies (topoi) in three balanced corpora of mainstream news portals aligned with centre-right and (...) centre-left political views. Among our main findings, the mobilisation of migrant populations is construed as an extremely polarised issue both in national and EU contexts and claims in favour of its prevention are justified on topoi of danger/threat, numbers and burdening/weighing down. (shrink)

Face à une installation impénétrable comme face à un mur de fond de scène, l’évidence est la même : l’impasse constitue l’œuvre, qu’elle soit plastique ou théâtrale. Aujourd’hui débordée de tous côtés, cette clôture de l’œuvre est cependant assumée, voire ironiquement redoublée, dans certaines scénographies. L’impasse y prend alors une valeur paradoxale en mobilisant des puissances de perception et d’attention renouvelées : à autant d’écarts inframinces, de seuils inaperçus, comme aux échos d’autres tentatives de traversée plus directement politiques.

Rapprocher Facebook du Kula mélanésien, un système archaïque d’échanges intertribaux décrit par Marcel Mauss, permet de souligner la capacité de la plateforme phare du Web 2.0 à répondre à des besoins socioculturels anthropologiquement attestés. Tous deux obéissent à une contrainte implicite de réciprocité qui, au-delà du contenu matériel des échanges, possède une fonction symbolique : les interactions mises en œuvre et la recherche de partenaires traduisent une quête de prestige, de mana selon le fameux terme chinook. Le Kula et les (...) murs de Facebook offrent une immense vitrine où chacun valorise son mana et scrute celui d’autrui tout en cherchant de nouveaux partenaires. Mobiliser le Kula tel un modèle de Simmel – un schème d’intelligibilité – indique l’ancienneté de ces traits culturels : la combinaison des dimensions matérielle et symbolique dans les échanges entre pairs et, en l’absence d’instance régulatrice, le risque lié à l’emballement de ce processus inévitablement concurrentiel.Our comparison between Facebook and Melanesia’s Kula, an archaic system of inter-tribal exchanges described by Marcel Mauss, has highlighted the ability of the flagship Web 2.0 platform to respond to anthropologically verified socio-cultural needs. Both systems obey an implicit demand for reciprocity, which, over and above the actual content of exchanges, has a symbolic function: the interactions at play and the search for partners reflect a quest for prestige, or mana as it is famously known in Chinook. Kula and Facebook’s walls are a gigantic shop window where anyone can show off their mana and look at other people’s, while also seeking out other partners. The use of the Kula as described by Simmel – as a model of intelligibility – suggests the ancient roots of these cultural traits: the combination of material and symbolic dimensions in exchanges between peers and, if there is no regulating authority, the risk that this inevitably competitive process may run out of control. (shrink)

In The Mushroom at the End of the World: On the Possibility of Life in Capitalist Ruins, Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing explains how bare land is formed. Capitalism produces ‘ruins’ by stripping living beings of the capacity to form their own ecological relations, a necessary condition for the reproduction of life. Contemporary capitalism alienates living beings from ecological relations, i.e. capitalism generates “the ability to stand alone, as if the entanglements of living did not matter. Through alienation, people and things become (...) mobile assets; they can be removed from their lifeworlds in distance-defying transport to be exchanged with other assets from other life worlds, elsewhere” (Tsing 2021, 5). Cutting the threads of the web of life through capitalist alienation, however, produces bare land as a side effect, infertile waste deprived of the means to reproduce itself without capitalist support. Alienation is the deracination of living beings from their lifeworld, transforming them into passive cogs for capitalist accumulation. However, Tsing upholds matsutake mushrooms, rare fungi popular among Japa- nese foodies, as exemplars of the resilience of ecological relations. Even amidst ruins, matsutakes successfully form beneficial relations with other living beings, like pine trees, other fungi and human beings. The insistent capacity to regenerate ecological relations is the ineluctable means of reproduction for the matsutake mushroom. Even at the end of the world, the matsutake persists by perpetually co-producing new lifeworlds for itself and fellow living beings (see also Haraway 2016). I claim that Tsing’s approach to capitalist alienation is descriptively convinc- ing but lacks the affective force for ecological class consciousness. Tsing surveys the web of life from the perspective of living beings quite distant from humankind, articulating a theoretical diagnosis rather than a political exhortation. On an affective level, it is challenging to generate ecological class consciousness among the (presumably) human readers of my chapter if they are presented with only the biographies of mushrooms growing far beyond my home. As Chantal Mouffe (2018, 72) argues, the construction of an emphatically political identity requires an appeal to the affects, like hope, indignation or compassion. Latour and Schultz also stress that ecological politics currently suffers from an affective misalignment, with people failing to identify with the fate of their increasingly inhospitable environments (2022, 47). Why would European humans care about these unknown fungi? The reproduction of our CO2-intensive livelihoods largely depends on the emission of bare land elsewhere, so in the short run, we stand to benefit more from putting our heads in the sand. I employ Chakrabarty’s (2021) suggestion of grounding post-humanist politics first in strategic anthropocentrism to subsequently push for a post-humanist expansion of our human understanding. One must first feel personally interpellated by the crisis of the global means of reproduction before one can grasp the need for an ecological class politics beyond human confines. I turn to John Steinbeck’s 1939 novel The Grapes of Wrath as a kindred spirit with more mobilising potential. Steinbeck tells the story of a family of impoverished farmers from Oklahoma, the Joads, travelling to California in pursuit of a better life, yet only encountering more poverty, exploitation and anti-immigrant racism. Steinbeck describes in detail the environmental and social devastation, but he focuses on the commodified labour power of migrant farmers rather than commodified mushrooms. Steinbeck’s main characters are also uprooted from their entangled histories in the land and community of rural Oklahoma, but they present a more familiar face of the ecological class deprived of the means of reproduction. Steinbeck’s outcry against alienation-as-deracination is clear, but the shift in perspective facilitates the empathetic outrage required for building ecological class consciousness. Steinbeck’s strategic anthropocentrism helps human readers understand why alienation-as-deracination is a concern. (shrink)

Antisemitism is an increasingly prevalent aspect of public life in the West, both as a consequence of the growth of the far right across the board and through its mobilisation against Palestinian liberation and Palestine solidarity activism. While synagogues are targeted and far-right politicians revive ideas of Jewish global power, it is the left, Muslims, and Palestinians that are continuously constructed as the source of the current rise in hatred and violence against Jews. If historically the Marxist tradition engaged (...) actively with the so-called Jewish question, in recent decades the subject has receded from focus. This shift took place as other forms of racism – directed at Muslims, Black populations, or migrants – became the basis for reactionary politics in the West. This article argues that while some of the assumptions that underwrote classical Marxist texts on the issue have been found wanting – perhaps most notably the inevitable (or desirable) character of the trend towards assimilation – they remain important starting points for making sense of our present, both by their method and their political commitment to liberation. (shrink)

- Jurisprudencia penal de la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación - EL ARCHIVO EN LA INSTRUCCIÓN. INTERVENCIONES TELEFÓNICAS. IDENTIDAD DEL JUZGADOR. ADICCIONES, CÁRCEL Y CONDENA CONDICIONAL. EXPULSIÓN DE MIGRANTES CONDENADOS. JUICIO POLiTICO, PÉRDIDA DE JUBILACIÓN Y SANCIÓN PENAL. ADMISIBILIDAD DEL RECURSO EXTRAORDINARIO. TRATA Y EXPLOTACIÓN LABORAL. RESPONSABILIDAD PENAL DE VICTIMAS DE PENAS ILICITAS.

Paru en 1975, Surveiller et punir de Michel Foucault a profondément marqué l'ensemble des sciences humaines et sociales. Plus de quarante ans après, la société de surveillance annoncée par Foucault se manifeste à travers des préoccupations sécuritaires croissantes et la quête fantasmatique d'un risque zéro. Les réformes successives de notre droit pénal traduisent une volonté forte de prévenir, voire de prédire, la réalisation des infractions. La surveillance se déploie non seulement dans l'enceinte carcérale mais au-delà des murs. Il s'avère ainsi (...) crucial de relire l'ouvrage de Foucault à la lumière d'une actualité juridique et politique dense, marquée par une progressive prise de conscience de la nécessité d'appréhender les questions pénales et pénitentiaires d'une manière globale et concertée, mais aussi par le caractère limité des avancées concrètes en ce domaine. Ainsi, en mobilisant une pluralité d'approches disciplinaires (du droit à la philosophie, de la science politique à la sociologie et à la psychiatrie), cet ouvrage se propose de mettre les analyses foucaldiennes de la société punitive, du pouvoir disciplinaire, de l'archipel carcéral, de la surveillance généralisée et de la production de la délinquance à l'épreuve de notre présent, à la fois pour en mesurer la portée réelle et pour élaborer un diagnostic original de notre actualité sociale, juridique et politique. (shrink)

Many studies have highlighted a substantial "bureaucracy domination" in procedures relating to migrants’ access to territory. This form of domination is marked by highly discretionary and arbitrary practices, enacted by the administrative authorities of the state. Only minor attention, however, has been devoted to the arbitrariness of judicial decisions and to the judicial role in general in the numerous proceedings that increasingly affect the path of migrants. This path is the main object of this paper. The study focuses on Italian (...) case law in expulsion and detention proceedings of irregular third country national citizens and asylum seekers and presents qualitative empirical research on decisions issued by the competent national authorities. The results have been analysed using a selection of theoretical tools, all referable to the general concept of the rule of law. The judicial decisions on pre-removal detention proceedings in two case studies are examined: the jurisprudence on detention of irregular migrants, in different offices of the Justice of the Peace in Italy; and the case law on detention of asylum seekers in the Ordinary Tribunal of Rome. The assumption underlying the research is that various conceptions of the rule of law may have different explanatory power when it comes to explaining the empirical results. To verify this hypothesis, the study proposes an overview of the main rule of law doctrines in the Western tradition of political and legal thought and applies the method of historical-conceptual analysis. As a result, the explanatory power of six theoretical models of the rule of law was verified against the data with the view to highlight the virtues and vices of the respective explanatory frameworks. This article reaches a two-fold conclusion. First, as far as the explanatory frameworks are concerned: the results of the two case studies cannot be fully explained by any of the models considered in this study. This fact alone casts doubts on the explanatory power of these theories and calls for further research on judicial decision-making more generally. Secondly, a key finding of the study regarding the notions of discretion and arbitrariness is that the judicial approach which assures the highest protection of rights is also the one that is most easily influenced by arbitrariness. The author argues that this paradox can be easily dissolved by paying attention to the plural dimensions of arbitrariness. If we consider arbitrariness from a legal point of view, i.e. as an illegal decision, it is unsurprising that the authority that most uses its discretionary powers is also the one most at risk of abusing these discretionary powers and hence of exercising arbitrary power. However, if we consider arbitrariness from the point of view of philosophical-political theory, i.e. as a form of domination characterised by the absence of sufficient justification, it is unsurprising that the judicial approach which assures the highest protection of rights is also the one that takes its own role as guarantor of these rights and of the constitutional democratic legal order as such most seriously. This judicial approach thus most often risks exercising its power in criticisable ways, as compared to an authority much more in line with the requirements of law enforcement agencies. Keywords: migration, discretion, justice, arbitrariness, civil rights, Rechtsstaat, expulsion, mixed constitution. (shrink)

En el presente trabajo, se analizan factores asociados con las migraciones internas de Argentina. Se presenta una discusión teórica de las distintas perspectivas migratorias distinguiendo entre enfoques de carácter individual-económico y aquellos estructurales-sociales. Utilizando la matriz de migraciones para las 24 jurisdicciones, obtenida con Redatam correspondiente a datos censales de 2010, se calcularon indicadores de migraciones (tasas de migración neta y bruta e índice de eficacia migratoria, entre otros). También se desarrolló un script para realizar novedosos diagramas circulares que resumen (...) visualmente los flujos migratorios constituyendo un vistoso y útil instrumento para tener un panorama más completo y rápido que la tradicional matriz. Se identificaron los principales flujos migratorios entre provincias. Las tasas netas de migración fueron positivas en la Patagonia y negativas en el norte argentino y notablemente en Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (CABA). En la región pampeana, los flujos son elevados y las tasas migratorias son bajas. Posteriormente se efectuó un análisis más detallado utilizando la Encuesta Anual de Hogares Urbanos del mismo año, la cual posee datos a nivel individual y variables adicionales para realizar un análisis más profundo. Se identificaron factores de atracción y expulsión; entre las principales conclusiones, el ingreso es un factor importante de atracción de migrantes, como indica la teoría neoclásica, pero también se consideraron factores sociodemográficos como educación. En general, las migraciones están asociadas con ingresos más altos, aunque con tasas de desocupación mayores, lo cual puede deberse a dificultades para conseguir empleo en el nuevo destino. (shrink)

Cet article s’interroge sur les ressources caractéristiques d’une mobilisation de sans-papiers. C’est au travail symbolique de présentation de soi et de sa cause qu’il faudra s’intéresser. Le tableau de ce type de lutte implique ainsi de souligner l’importance de l’obtention d’une « légitimité émotionnelle ». Autrement dit, le désespoir social et la faiblesse deviennent des armes dans une dramaturgie où s’affrontent la Morale et le Droit. Néanmoins, bien d’autres facteurs seront nécessaires à l’obtention d’un « succès public ». La (...) spectacularisation du conflit, son florilège de personnalités de tous ordres, et son long cortège médiatique participeront activement à cette réussite. À tous les niveaux de la mobilisation, ce sera l’humanisme qui s’imposera comme code idéologique indépassable du soutien aux sans-papiers.This article addresses the resources which characterize an irregular migrant mobilization. We’ll focus on the symbolic work carried out in the setting-up of a picture of oneself and of one’s cause. As a result, this kind of struggle also implies a quest for an « emotional legitimacy ». In other words, social despair and weakness become weapons in a dramaturgy confronting Moral philosophy and Right. However, many other factors will have to be brought together to trigger a « public success ». The spectacularization of the conflict – which boasts a large number of prominent figures from all social spheres and extensive media coverage – will be actively instrumental in this success. At each level of the mobilization, humanism appears as the inescapable ideological code of the support lent to irregular migrants. (shrink)

Peut-on penser l’accueil des migrants, le droit d’asile ou plus généralement l’immigration comme un devoir ou un droit d’hospitalité ? On comprend intuitivement qu’il y a un lien, mais on peine à voir pourquoi mobiliser une idée aussi datée et à la connotation plus religieuse que politique pourrait nous être utile. Cet article vise à comprendre le sens du retour manifeste à ce vocabulaire. Retour certes modeste, mais, nous le verrons, significatif. Car les apparitions historiques du concept d’hospitalité dans la (...) sphère publique ne sont jamais anodines. Puiser ainsi dans l’imaginaire moral de l’humanité, c’est chercher à résoudre un problème suffisamment grave pour que les concepts classiques de la politique nous semblent insuffisants. Ce problème, pour le dire brièvement, c’est celui d’une triple tension : tension entre l’ouverture et la fermeture des frontières, tension entre l’éthique et la politique de l’immigration, tension enfin entre l’accueil et l’intégration des étrangers. Or l’hospitalité a historiquement permis une articulation de ces tensions : elle offre une position relativement cohérente, où l’on rend possible l’ouverture contrôlée des frontières (par exemple, sous la forme de droit de passage), permise au nom d’une morale, généralement issue du droit naturel, mais limitée au seul accueil des étrangers – sous-entendu accueil temporaire, sans garantie de pouvoir rester, sauf à satisfaire aux critères potentiellement toujours plus exigeants de l’hôte, autrement dit un accueil sous forme d’une domination. Cette articulation ne va donc pas sans poser problème aujourd’hui. Il est alors important de comprendre comment l’hospitalité s’est constituée comme grammaire critique des lois répressives contre les migrants, tout en pointant les difficultés à raviver ses caractéristiques anti-modernes. (shrink)

RESUMO Durante o processo da Perestroika soviética, Iuri Lotman escreveu reflexões sobre o conceito de fronteira. Como testemunhou migrações em massa, expulsões forçadas e reconfigurações etnogeográficas sem precedentes, sabia o quanto uma fronteira pode ser carregada de significado cultural que transcende sua dimensão espacial. Ter esse tipo de consciência era ainda mais urgente tendo em vista ser esse um período histórico de transição, reconstrução e abertura, quando as políticas linguístico-culturais poderiam ser um meio de promover integração e aceitação do "estrangeiro". (...) Esta contribuição parte desse quadro histórico-conceitual e busca analisar um fenômeno cultural de grande interesse na literatura italiana contemporânea: a presença "intrusa" crescente de escritoras das antigas colônias que escolheram escrever suas obras em uma língua estrangeira, o italiano, usando a escrita como um campo de experimentação, hibridismo cultural e criação de um espaço discursivo público que traz o olhar da mulher migrante.ABSTRACT In the midst of the Soviet Perestroika process, Yuri Lotman wrote his reflections on the concept of boundary. Having witnessed massive migrations, forced expulsions and unprecedented ethno-geographical reconfigurations, he knew how much a border can be loaded with a cultural meaning that transcends its spatial dimensions. To be aware of this was all the more urgent at a historic time of transition, rebuilding and opening, when linguistic-cultural policies could be a means of promoting integration and accepting the "foreigner." This contribution takes this historical and conceptual framework as its starting point and aims to analyze a cultural phenomenon of great current interest in contemporary Italian literature: the increasingly "intrusive" presence of women writers from the former colonies who choose to produce their works in a "foreign" language, using writing as a field of experimentation, cultural hybridization, and generation of a public discursive space, bearer of the female migrant gaze. (shrink)

A comprehensive and timely examination of the history and current status of immigrants and refugees--their stories, the events that led to their movement, and the place of these movements in contemporary history and politics. Immigration and Asylum: From 1900 to the Present is an accessible and up-to-date introduction to the key concepts, terms, personalities, and real-world issues associated with the surge of immigration from the beginning of the 20th century to the present. It focuses on the United States, but is (...) also the first encyclopedic work on the subject that reflects a truly global perspective. With contributions from the world's foremost authorities on the subject, Immigration and Asylum offers nearly 200 entries organized around four themes: immigration and asylum; the major migrating groups around the world; expulsions and other forced population movements; and the politics of migration. In addition to basic entries, the work includes in-depth essays on important trends, events, and current conditions. There is no better resource for exploring just how profoundly the voluntary and forced movement of asylum seekers and refugees has transformed the world--and what that transformation means to us today. Nearly 200 A-Z entries on immigration and asylum around the world 150+ contributors, including leading immigration scholars from around the globe such as Nathan Glazer, Saskia Sassen, Ari Zolberg, James Hollifield, Desmond King, and Stephen Castles A separate volume of primary source documents, including legislation, treaties, speeches, and United Nations documents A chronology of major movements of migrants and asylum seekers. (shrink)

La aprobación en junio de 2008 por el Parlamento Europeo de la Directiva de retorno —denominada también Directiva de la infamia o Directiva de expulsión— consolida el proceso de involución que sobre los derechos humanos se viene produciendo en la Unión Europea desde que el miedo a la inmigración irregular se incardinó en sus instituciones. Si bien las legislaciones de extranjería de los años ochenta contenían normas que regulaban el internamiento y la expulsión no es hasta la Directiva 2001/40/CE que (...) comienza a tomar forma una política comunitaria centrada en la inmigración irregular y las expulsiones de migrantes. Las medidas de retorno son, dice la Comisión europea, “una piedra angular de la política de migración de la UE”. Desde entonces, la barbarie de los centros de retención e internamiento, el socavamiento de los derechos y la exclusión y criminalización de los migrantes extranjeros se han convertido en el caballo de batalla de las asociaciones defensoras de los derechos humanos. La erosión que las legislaciones y medidas de expulsión están provocado en los derechos y libertades y en las instituciones del Estado de derecho es inmensa. El retroceso y la erosión en los derechos y libertades es tan grande que ya no es posible continuar hablando sin más de Estados de derecho en la UE, sino más bien de máquinas administrativas para el internamiento y la expulsión, de “Estados expulsores” (1), donde las personas extranjeras son tratadas como semipersonas (2) e incluso como “no-personas” (3). (shrink)

This article examines the development of a multidimensional, transnational feminist research approach from and within Uganda in relation to a high-profile case of domestic violence and femicide of a middle-class, upper-caste Indian migrant woman in Kampala in 1998. It explores indigenous Ugandan public and Ugandan Asian/indian community interpretations and the dynamics of cross-racial feminist mobilisation and protest that emerged in response to the Joshi-Sharma domestic violence case. In doing so, it advocates for a transnational feminist research approach from and (...) within Uganda and the Global South that works against the grain of nationalist and nativist biases in existing feminist scholarly trends. This approach lays bare power inequalities and internal tensions within and across racialised African and Asian communities, and thus avoids the romanticisation of cross-racial feminist African-Asian solidarities. (shrink)

« Nous ne sommes pas un problème, nous sommes la solution » scandent des centaines de jeunes diplômés des écoles et universités françaises, menacés d’expulsion parce qu’étrangers. À l’appel du « collectif du 31 mai », ils se sont donné rendez-vous les 12 novembre, 18 décembre, 12 février à Paris, Lyon, Toulouse pour manifester leur incompréhension, leur colère, leur amertume vis-à-vis des promesses non tenues du gouvernement français qui après les avoir formés et entretenus dans l’espoir de trouver des emplois (...) à hauteur de leurs diplômes, excelle maintenant à leur opposer une kyrielle de motifs de renvoi. Ils demandent le retrait de la circulaire. (shrink)

The refugee phenomenon is indeed a shared human condition – affecting every sector of society. This article explores the meaning and relevance of hope in the lives of refugees. It analyses the extent to which hope features in their lived experiences and the impact of its role in empowering them to meet their manifold challenges. The study is a compendium of qualitative data collected through semi-structured interviews with refugee migrants in Cape Town, a wide range of existing scholarly literature, and (...) the author’s lived experiences as a refugee migrant in several African countries. The aim of this evidence-based information is to provide a platform for research, advocacy, and mobilisation of the refugee populations in order to optimise their care and establish hope as an empowering resource. In so doing, the article highlights the primacy of hope in line with the African kairos of dread. (shrink)

In her 1999 article ‘The Scent of Memory’, Avtar Brah maps the ways in which gendered, classed and racialised identities and subjectivities are produced in the diaspora space of Britain. ‘The Scent of Memory’ begins, repeatedly returns to and ends with the figure of a mother — Jean, a white English woman in the Southall of the 1970s and 1980s. One way of reading this article is as a series of interruptions, each of which allows us to see Jean differently, (...) to replace her in what Brah has memorably termed the entanglement of genealogies of dispersion with those of staying put. In this article, I stage my own set of speculative interruptions, through which recent feminist theorising of maternal subjectivities confronts the ways in which the maternal and the reproductive are conceptualised, metaphorised and mobilised in contemporary accounts of community cohesion, Britishness and belonging. At stake is our ability to challenge those still-dominant discourses that naturalise repetition and sameness as the necessary ground of belonging, obscuring and ignoring the gendered, racialised and other differences that mark Britishness, and which thereby reproduce the migrant and the minoritised as a problem for the stability of British identities. Following on from and extending Lisa Baraitser's claim that thinking about the relationship with the other ‘might just as well start with the mother’, I ask whether rethinking the reproductive can enable a more complex account of the ways in which ‘the native’ is transformed in diaspora spaces. (shrink)

This paper provides a history of more than a century of efforts to establish and maintain a homegrown Canadian sugar supply – a twentieth-century version of what Eric Williams called the ‘war of the two sugars’, or the global competition between sugar beet and cane. To resolve beet sugar’s so-called ‘labour problem’, the industry has collaborated with the Canadian state to produce new classes of temporary workers, mobilising incarcerated Japanese Canadians, migrant Indigenous families, and Mexican and Caribbean workers employed through (...) the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program. At the same time, the sugar industry has sought to refine itself of the racialised workers upon whom it relies by promoting the figure of the white Canadian worker. The Canadian ‘war of the two sugars’ has been fought through the stratification of the labour force along the lines of citizenship, resulting in the production of unique racial forms. (shrink)

In recent years, rather than addressing the needs of sex workers themselves or of trafficked persons, international anti-trafficking law has been mobilised towards an ideological end, namely the abolition of sex work. The vulnerability of ‘third world’ female sex workers in particular has provided a potent image for justifying state intervention backed by the full force of the criminal law. Moral legitimacy has been afforded to this by a radical feminist discourse which views sex workers as nothing but hapless victims. (...) Drawing on the work of Martha Fineman and legal realists like Robert Hale, this article redeploys vulnerability in trafficking debates to depart from its narrative of victimhood and to offer a renewed critique of liberal legalism, which has in the trafficking context been characterised by legal strategies of criminalisation and the attendant rescue and rehabilitation of trafficked persons. Specifically, it examines how three Indian social legislations regulating bonded labour, contract labour and inter-state migrant labour, and targeted at the domestic trafficking of men, conceptualise vulnerability in substantially different ways when compared to the 2000 Palermo Protocol on Trafficking (at least as it has been enforced to date). To the extent that these Indian laws construe the vulnerability of labour as systemic, trafficking is understood as a problem of labour migration to be addressed primarily by labour law. As such, this view of vulnerability, I argue, not only helps to de-exceptionalise trafficking as always equivalent to the trafficking of women for sex work, and therefore sex work, but also to substantively address the vulnerability of both male and female workers in other labour markets. (shrink)

In this article, we analyse Il Memoriale della Shoah, the memorial of the victims of the Shoah in Milan, which was inaugurated in 2013 and, in 2015, was turned into a night shelter for destitute migrants. To understand the rhetoric and politics of the Memorial, we bring together the notions of affective practices, découpages du temps (lit. slices of time) and multidirectional memory. This analytic approach allows us to examine the nonlinear shape of remembering, the dialectic relationships between the spatialisation (...) of time and the temporalisation of space, the ways in which emotions are brought into being semiotically in context, and the ethical questions that these feelings raise. Through detailed multimodal and affective analysis of the affordances of the built environment and its soundscape, the curation of the Memorial, the contextualisation of three guided tours (two online and one in situ) and politicised commentary on the Memorial’s decision to shelter refugees, our paper illustrates the multi-layered character of the relationship between space and time – one in which the past, the present and the future partly overlap and mobilise political action. (shrink)

El presente trabajo tiene como principal objetivo analizar las dinámicas migratorias que se llevan adelante en África Occidental a partir del interrogante que se desprende de los discursos dominantes respecto de la supuesta invasión de migrantes africanos a Europa, especialmente después de 2015. Desde ese año, la consigna más frecuente ha sido “Grandes oleadas de refugiados arriban a Europa”. Sin embargo, la realidad muestra que no existe tal invasión en términos cuantitativos absolutos, además de profundizarse el discurso racista y xenófobo (...) que habla de “crisis migratoria” para alertar sobre una presunta invasión de africanos al continente, cuando casi un 80% de quienes emigran de sus países se dirige a otro país del continente africano y tan solo el, aproximadamente, 20% restante “intenta” cruzar a Europa. Y este último dato representa un porcentaje de población extremadamente reducido en relación con la población europea. A partir del trabajo de campo en Senegal, Malí, Burkina Faso y Níger, realizado para una tesis de doctorado, las reflexiones en torno al problema planteado se orientan a desmontar ideas ampliamente difundidas por medios de comunicación y determinados ámbitos académicos en relación con las migraciones subsaharianas en dirección a Europa, en muchos casos fundamentadas por representaciones vinculadas a “la huida del continente”, “las guerras”, “los conflictos étnicos” y “la invasión de migrantes a Europa”, entre otras. (shrink)

This article is the synthesis of a research project that took place in Bamako, Mali, which observed the experimentations in new conditions of living set in place by sub-Saharan migrants. This chronicle suggests that migration constitutes a subversive and creative subjective experience. Migrants in Bamako, far from being reduced to a mere clandestine and over-exploited work force within the economies of the core of the capitalist system, create their own conditions of valorization, in autonomy, through a direct control of their (...) power to invent and through renewed forms of social cooperation. (shrink)

"[Heidegger's] greatest work... essential for all collections." —Choice "... students of Heidegger will surely find this book indispensable." —Library Journal Contributions to Philosophy, written in 1936-38 and first published in 1989 as Beiträge zur Philosophie, is Heidegger’s most ground-breaking work after the publication of Being and Time in 1927. If Being and Time is perceived as undermining modern metaphysics, Contributions undertakes to reshape the very project of thinking.

Five Groundbreaking Moments in Heidegger's Thinking presents a fresh interpretation of some of Heidegger's most difficult but important works, including his early Beiträge (Contributions) and engages with his theoretical concept of "the reading in thinking." In new translations of central texts, Kenneth Maly invites the reader to think along the way by reading, contemplating, and translating Heidegger's ideas into context. An introduction to the field of philosophy and more specifically to Heidegger's thought, Five Groundbreaking Moments in Heidegger's Thinking asks the (...) reader, in some manner, to actively do the philosophizing. (shrink)

In § 59 von Kants Kritik der Urteilskraft steht relativ unvermittelt und oft überlesen der Halbsatz:,,so ist all unsere Erkenntnis von Gott bloß symbolisch." Die philosophiegeschichtlich ausgerichtete Studie versucht die Bedeutung dieser Aussage mittels einer kommentarischen Interpretation des ersten Teils von § 59 und weiterer für diese Aussage relevanter Texte zu verstehen. Sie erschließt auf diese Weise zunächst Kants Symbolbegriff, dessen prinzipielle Bedeutung für Kants Erkenntnistheorie und den Zusammenhang von Symbol und Analogie im Denken Kants. Die Studie legt ihren Schwerpunkt (...) dann auf die Untersuchung der Bedeutung des Symbol- und Analogiebegriffs für die Rede von einer Erkenntnis Gottes und für Kants Interpretation bestimmter christlicher Glaubensüberzeugungen. Durch diese Begriffe markiert Kant nicht nur seine Verhältnisbestimmung von menschlicher Erkenntnis zur Transzendenz Gottes. Beide Begriffe spielen eine zentrale Rolle für ein Verständnis seiner philosophischen Theologie als praktisch-hermeneutisch. Das Buch leistet somit einen wichtigen Beitrag zum Verständnis von Kants Religionsphilosophie und philosophischer Theologie. (shrink)

The article investigates the sociocultural implications of the changing modern workplace and of pharmacological cognitive enhancement as a potential adaptive tool from the viewpoint of social niche construction. We will attempt to elucidate some of the sociocultural and technological trends that drive and influence the characteristics of this specific niche, and especially to identify the kind of capabilities and adaptations that are being promoted, and to ascertain the capabilities and potentialities that might become diminished as a result. In this context, (...) we will examine what PCE is, and how and why it might be desirable as a tool for adaptation within the workplace. As human beings are, or at least should be allowed to be, more than merely productive, able-bodied and able-minded workers, we will further examine how adaptation to the workplace niche could result in problems in other domains of modern societal life that require the same or other cognitive capabilities. In this context we will also focus on the concept of responsibility and how it pertains to PCE and the modern workplace niche. This will shed some light on the kind of trends related to workplace niche construction, PCE and capability promotion that we can expect in the future, and on the contexts in which this might be either beneficial or detrimental to the individual as a well-rounded human being, and to other members of society. (shrink)

This essay presents the interwoven phenomenological reflections of three feminist women, situated across various intersections of difference, whose plans to conduct research on Black feminism and ambiguity were affected by the coronavirus and the social climate resulting from widespread responses to the deaths of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor in the United States during the summer of 2020. The authors offer an experimental, juxtaposed intersubjective phenomenology of research, located in the critical phenomenological framework of intersectional ambiguity. The reflections include reconsiderations (...) of the utility of research and its (inter)subjective dimensions. Each writer captures how differences in their sociopolitical identity and positioning affected their ability to conduct “research” during a summer of unrest and unease. Taken in sum, these reflections argue that critical phenomenology provides many opportunities for reflecting upon lived experience and the relevance of intellectual labor and knowledge-production to the sociopolitical challenges we face. (shrink)

The article examines the role played by policy advice institutions in the governance of ethically controversial new and emerging science and technology in Europe. The empirical analysis, which aims to help close a gap in the literature, focuses on the evolution, role and functioning of national ethics advisory bodies (EABs) in Europe. EABs are expert bodies whose remit is to issue recommendations regarding ethical aspects of new and emerging science and technology. Negative experiences with the impacts of science and technology (...) in the past have resulted in calls for increased transparency and broader participation and pluralism in expert advice and policy decision-making. Do national EABs function as inclusive, anticipatory “hybrid forums”? Or do they resemble more “classical” expert-oriented bodies, inspired by technocratic or decisionist approaches? As part of the empirical analysis of the role and functioning of institutional ethical advisory structures in 32 European countries, an extensive analysis of EAB websites and the content of publicly available documents on such institutions has been carried out, supplemented by an online survey of representatives of the EABs. One major finding of the empirical analysis is the very uneven distribution of “hybrid forum” features of EABs across Europe. (shrink)

We link two concepts from the literature, namely hard sequences for the satisfiability problem sat and so‐called pseudo proof systems proposed for study by Krajíček. Pseudo proof systems are elements of a particular nonstandard model constructed by forcing with random variables. We show that the existence of mad pseudo proof systems is equivalent to the existence of a randomized polynomial time procedure with a highly restrictive use of randomness which produces satisfiable formulas whose satisfying assignments are probably hard to find.

This article concerns itself with the ways that Black women have taken up #BlackGirlMagic as a critical reimagining of their subject positionalities as Black women. I argue that #BlackGirlMagic is a resistant imaginary that has significantly altered the contemporary western social imaginary and suggest that the intersectional ambiguity that Black women animate builds community among Black women toward collective liberation. Bringing together Kimberlé Crenshaw's concept of intersectionality, Simone de Beauvoir's concept of ambiguity, and María Lugones's concept of oppressed←→resisting subjects, I (...) argue that #BlackGirlMagic's so-called “magic” is both produced by and produces what José Medina has termed a guerrilla epistemology. In outlining the contours of this epistemology, I demonstrate how #BlackGirlMagic resists through the transmission of knowledge, the creation of a critical genealogy, its visionary orientation, and the development of an insurrectionary counterdiscourse. To illustrate, I briefly discuss how #BlackGirlMagic provides white women with an opportunity for a beneficial form of epistemic friction. In the end, I suggest that #BlackGirlMagic's ability to unite Black women transnationally bodes well for its continued effects on the western social imaginary. (shrink)

The article explores some of the issues that have arisen in the discourse on pharmaceutical cognitive enhancement (PCE), that is, the use of stimulant drugs such as methylphenidate, amphetamine and modafinil by healthy individuals of various populations with the aim of improving cognitive performance. Specifically, we explore the presumed sizes of existing PCE user populations and the policy actions that have been proposed regarding the trend of PCE. We begin with an introductory examination of the academic stances and philosophical issues (...) involved in defining PCE. We then focus on an examination of the population sizes of presumed current PCE users that have been listed in the academic literature on PCE, on presuppositions, which have been problematized by some authors as based on anecdotal or misinterpreted survey data. We follow this with an empirical examination of a potential PCE user population in a national context (students at the University of Ljubljana in Slovenia). We then proceed to examine the regulatory options proposed in the academic literature to address PCE, finally comparing them with an empirical overview of the policy recommendations on PCE produced in the multinational context of several national ethics advisory bodies (EABs) in Europe. Our main conclusion is that there is still little debate among the national EABs on what type of public policy responses, if any, are needed to address PCE in European countries, and that the issues they do address are similar to those discussed and proposed in the academic articles on PCE. (shrink)

Jules Michelet: Vico and the origins of nationalism -- James Joyce: Vico and the origins of modernism -- Erich Auerbach: Vico and the origins of historism -- Isaiah Berlin: Vico and the origins of pluralism.

7 What Ss Counter- Enlightenment? Mark Cilia i. The critique of the modern age is as old as the age itself. Ever since men began seeking distinction by ...

In this important essay, Joseph Mali argues that Vico's New Science must be interpreted according to Vico's own clues and rules of interpretation, principally his claim that the 'master-key' of his New Science is the discovery of myth. Following this lead Mali shows how Vico came to forge his new scientific theories about the mythopoeic constitution of consciousness, society, and history by reappraising, or 'rehabilitating' the ancient and primitive mythical traditions which still persist in modern times. He further relates Vico's (...) radical redefinition of these traditions as the 'true narrations' of all religious, social, and political practices in the 'civil world' to his unique historical depiction of Western civilisation as evolving in a-rational and cyclical motions. On this account, Mali elaborates the wider, distinctly 'revisionist', implications of Vico's New Science for the modern human sciences. He argues that inasmuch as the New Science exposed the linguistic and other cultural systems of the modern world as being essentially mythopoeic, it challenges not only the Christian and Enlightenment ideologies of progress in his time, but also the main cultural ideologies of our time. (shrink)

Dans cette conférence organisée par les militants de Socialisme ou Barbarie à la fin des années 1940, Castoriadis aborde la figure de Lénine, les conditions d’une discussion critique de son héritage pour la tradition révolutionnaire, et la signification du léninisme pour l’histoire du mouvement ouvrier comme expression du développement de sa conscience de classe.

Après deux ouvrages d’introduction à la pensée de Cornelius Castoriadis (Réinventer la politique après Marx et Pour l’autonomie, co-écrits avec Philippe Caumières), Arnaud Tomès revient avec un livre au contenu bien différent. Qu’est-ce qu’un imaginaire social?, publié chez Hermann, se propose de faire l’inventaire de l’appareillage théorique castoriadien en se focalisant sur un concept central : l’imaginaire. Le sous-titre témoigne de ce changement de ton : c’est « une discussion critique d...

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:The Reconciliation of Myth: Benjamin’s Homage to BachofenJoseph MaliIn the “Tiergarten,” the first chapter of his autobiographical work, Berlin Childhood Around Nineteen-Hundred, Benjamin recalls how, as a child, he experienced the paths, monuments, and people of the park as a “labyrinth” replete with all kinds of mythological figures. Entering the park like a second Theseus following his Ariadne along the thread of erotic sensations, he discovered therein the myth-realm (...) of the ancient gods as transfigured in the bourgeois decorations of the Second Reich, most visibly so in the aristocratic monuments of Friedrich Wilhelm and Queen Louise: “They towered up from their round pedestals among the flower beds as if spellbound by magic curves that a watercourse had inscribed before them in the sand.” 1 As he invoked these primal visions thirty years later, Benjamin realized that they prefigured “the features of what is to come,” that is, he recognized in his early experiential impressions the topical concerns that were to determine his life and works. He then understood that he had been finding signs of “the return of the ancient gods” everywhere:Under their sign the Old West of Berlin was transformed into the West of antiquity, whence the western winds come to the mariners, who navigate their boat with the Hesperidan apples slowly upward the Landwehrkanal, in order to cast anchor near the Herkules Bridge. And yet again, as in my childhood, the Hydra and the Nemean lion found a place in the wild bushes around the big star. 2This chapter may serve as the key to Benjamin’s entire life and works: it reveals what Benjamin himself would have called his “origins.” Benjamin conceived [End Page 165] of origin (Usprung) in genealogical rather than in biological terms, contending that it was not to be found in the moment of intuition but rather in that of recognition. “The term origin is not intended to describe the process by which the existent came into being, but rather to describe that which emerges from the process of becoming and disappearance. Origin is an eddy in the stream of becoming, and in its current it swallows the material involved in the process of genesis.” 3 It occurs, Benjamin continues, when “an idea will constantly confront the historical world, until it is revealed fulfilled, in the totality of its history.” 4 And if, according to Benjamin (quoting Karl Kraus), “origin is the goal” of all philosophical and historical inquiries, then, in Benjamin’s own case, the “origin” must be found in that singular idea by which he had sought to illuminate his historical world. This was an idea which should be “revealed fulfilled, in the totality of its history” in his entire work. In order to find that idea we must concentrate, as it were, on the “eddies” of his life; that is, we must discern his particular current in the intellectual trends of the time and find out how and with what he emerged from it. What, then, were Benjamin’s “origins”? When and where did he recognize what his experiential impressions in the Tiergarten really meant?In his memorial biography, Walter Benjamin: The Story of a Friendship, Gershom Scholem recounts some of the most important of these moments. One of them occurred between 16 and 18 June 1916, while Scholem was visiting Benjamin’s house in Seeshaupt near Munich. Scholem recalls their last and most memorable conversation on that occasion:During a discussion of whether Hegel had wished to deduce the world, we turned to mathematics, philosophy, and myth. Benjamin accepted myth alone as “the world.” He said he was still not sure what the purpose of philosophy was, as there was no need to discover “the meaning of the world”: it was already present in myth. Myth was everything; all else, including mathematics and philosophy, was only an obscuration [Verdunkelung], a glimmer [Schein] that had arisen within it. 5Reflecting on these words, Scholem notes that “Benjamin’s decided turn to the philosophic penetration of myth, which occupied him for so many years, beginning with his study of Hölderlin and probably for the rest of his life, was manifested here for the first... (shrink)