Chantal Mouffe is one of the most influential political theorists at work today. Her work has influenced political parties across Europe and continues to inform the direction of left politics. In this work, Mouffe argues that liberal democracy misunderstands the problems of ethnic, religious and nationalist conflicts because of its inadequate conception of politics.

Since September 11th, we frequently hear that political differences should be put aside: the real struggle is between good and evil. What does this mean for political and social life? Is there a 'Third Way' beyond left and right, and if so, should we fear or welcome it? This thought-provoking book by Chantal Mouffe, a globally recognized political author, presents a timely account of the current state of democracy, affording readers the most relevant and up-to-date information. Arguing that liberal (...) 'third way thinking' ignores fundamental, conflicting aspects of human nature, Mouffe states that, far from expanding democracy, globalization is undermining the combative and radical heart of democratic life. Going back first to Aristotle, she identifies the historical origins of the political and reflects on the Enlightenment, and the social contract, arguing that in spite of its good intentions, it levelled the radical core of political life. Contemporary examples, including the Iraq war, racism and the rise of the far right, are used to illustrate and support her theory that far from combating extremism, the quest for consensus politics undermines the ability to challenge it. These case studies are also highly effective points of reference for student revision. _On the Political _is a stimulating argument about the future of politics and addresses the most fundamental aspects of democracy that will aid further study. (shrink)

[Carl Schmitt and the paradox of liberal democracy].

Les congrégations religieuses ont longtemps été réticentes à l’idée de communiquer leurs archives aux historiennes et aux historiens de profession. Depuis quelques temps cependant, des ouvertures se font jour, ce dont témoigne ce riche ouvrage, fruit de travaux fondés sur les volumineuses archives des filles de la Charité. Il faut saluer le courage de cette congrégation qui a largement ouvert ses fonds, dans une démarche, qui, comme le rappelle Matthieu Brejon de Lavergnée, n’était pas sans «...

Social entrepreneurship is perceived as a legitimate and innovative solution to social problems. Yet, when one looks at the literature one finds that the social problems that the SE movement seeks to address and how these problems are identified and defined are not studied. This lack of attention to the defining of social problems in SE has implications for the domain for problems do not exist unless they are recognized and defined, and those that define problems have influence on how (...) these will eventually be addressed. Our paper presents an analysis of framing activities in SE done by the actors involved in the development and promotion of the SE movement. Our analysis reveals that these actors are concerned with creating an ecosystem to support social entrepreneurs. Critical analysis of discourses of these actors reveals a powerful mobilization discourse, one that supports social entrepreneurs as the agents of change. We also find that as the SE movement emerged at the beginning of a cycle of protest against capitalist systems, their framing of SE as system changing of these very systems therefore finds strong resonance with a wide variety of actors. (shrink)

In The Unlearned Lessons of the Twentieth Century , the sequel to Icarus Fallen, published by ISI Books in 2003, Chantal Delsol maintains that the age in which we live—late modernity—calls into question most of the truths and beliefs bequeathed to us from the past. Yet it clings to a central belief in the dignity of the human person, the cornerstone of the doctrine of universal human rights to which even secular Westerners still cling. At the same time, the (...) process of dehumanization so evident in the ideologies and totalitarianism of the twentieth century remains at work. Delsol charges that it is not enough to proclaim human rights as a sort of incantation but that, rather, one must understand what sort of being the human person is if humans are to be genuinely respected. In other words, if the philosophy of human rights is to form the basis of Western culture, it must rest on a truer understanding of the human person than that which is taught—both explicitly and implicitly—in the contemporary West. (shrink)

The themes of citizenship and community are today at the center of a fierce debate as both left and right try to mobilize them for their cause. For the left such notions are crucial in all the current attempts to redefine political struggle through extending and deepening democracy. But, argue the contributors to this volume, these concepts need to be made compatible with the pluralism that marks modern democracy. Rather than reject the liberal tradition, they argue, the aim should be (...) to radicalize it. These essays set out to examine what types of “citizen” and “community” might be required by such a radical and plural democracy. From a range of disciplines and a fruitful diversity of theoretical perspectives, the contributors help us to address the following challenge: how to defend the greatest possible pluralism without destroying the very framework of the democratic political community. Despite their differences, a vision emerges from these essays which is sharply at odds both with the universalistic and rationalistic conception to be found in the work of Habermas, and with postmodern celebrations of absolute heterogeneity. For this book is an exploration of politics—of a politics where power, conflict and antagonism will always play a central role. (shrink)

One of the main reasons that liberal democratic societies are not ill-prepared to confront the present challenge presented by disaffection with democratic institutions, is that the type of political theory currently in vogue is dominated by an individualistic, universalistic, and rationalistic framework. This erases the dimension of the political and impedes envisaging in an adequate manner the nature of a pluralistic democratic public sphere. This paper examines the most recent paradigm of liberal democracy: 'deliberative democracy', in order to bring to (...) the fore its shortcomings. Then, the authos puts forward some element for the elaboration of an alternative model that she proposes to call 'agonistic pluralism'. (shrink)

The present article tries to bring out an intellectual kinship between Edith Stein and Erich Przywara. For they both prove that neither can a philosophy of being nor a philosophy of knowledge be accomplished absolutely. While Przywara elaborates a complex metaphysical synthesis based on an analysis of the history of philosophy, Stein attempts to perfect phenomenology by showing it the road to being.

Peu de philosophes sont issus des classes sociales défavorisées. Proudhon et Michel Onfray sont donc une exception. Cette situation les rapproche d’autant plus qu’ils sont tous deux fiers de cette origine et qu’ils estiment que ce parcours exceptionnel leur donne des devoirs envers ce peuple dont ils sont issus. Ainsi, devenus des intellectuels célèbres, ils conservent une grande proximité avec leur milieu d’origine, tout en se gardant de toute démagogie. Leur préoccupation principale est donc la mise en pratique de la (...) « démopédie », néologisme créé par Proudhon : il s’agit de donner la parole au peuple, c’est-à-dire l’outil intellectuel nécessaire pour exprimer sa pensée et ses besoins. Le rôle d’un philosophe plébéien consiste donc à aider le peuple à réfléchir sur le fonctionnement de la société et de la démocratie, afin qu’il cesse d’être dominé par l’élite politique et économique. Dans ce but, le philosophe plébéien propose des pistes pour instaurer une véritable démocratie grâce au mutualisme, et au fédéralisme appliqué aussi bien dans la vie économique que dans la vie politique. (shrink)

Marie Chantal | : Cet article fait le point sur les travaux récents abordant le problème de l’utilisation des catégories modernes dans l’étude des traditions judéennes de l’Antiquité. La dernière décennie a en effet été marquée par la publication d’une série de recherches abordant d’abord le problème du concept moderne de « judaïsme » pour décrire une réalité antique portée par le grec Ioudaismos et se questionnant ensuite sur la façon juste de traduire Ioudaios pour respecter l’ethnicité du peuple (...) se réclamant de cette appellation. | : This paper provides a picture of the recent publications concerned with the problem of using modern categories for the study of ancient traditions from the Antiquity. In the last decade, many papers have been published first addressing the problem of the modern concept “Judaism” as a way to describe the Ancient reality related to the Greek term Ioudaismos, and second raising the question of the correct way to translate Ioudaios in respect with the ethnicity of the people related to this Greek term. (shrink)

Revisiting the generally accepted notion of psycho-physical parallelism in Spinoza, Chantal Jaquet offers a new analysis of the relation between body and mind. Looking at a range of Spinoza's texts, and using an original methodology, she analyses their unity in action through affects, actions and passions.

Deconstruction and pragmatism constitute two of the major intellectual influences on the contemporary theoretical scene; influences personified in the work of Jacques Derrida and Richard Rorty. Both Rortian pragmatism, which draws the consequences of post-war developments in Anglo-American philosophy, and Derridian deconstruction, which extends and troubles the phonomenological and Heideggerian influence on the Continental tradition, have hitherto generally been viewed as mutually exclusive philosophical language games. The purpose of this volume is to bring deconstruction and pragmatism into critical confrontation with (...) one another through staging a debate between Derrida and Rorty, itself based on discussions that took place at the _College International de Philosophie_ in Paris in 1993. The ground for this debate is layed out in introductory papers by Simon Critchley and Ernesto Laclau, and the remainder of the volume records Derrida's and Rorty's responses to each other's work. Chantal Mouffe gives an overview of the stakes of this debate in a helpful preface. (shrink)

Political conflict in our society is inevitable, and the results are often far from negative. How then should we deal with the intractable differences arising from complex modern culture? Developing her groundbreaking political philosophy of agnostics--the search for a radical and plural democracy--Chantal Mouffe examines international relations, strategies for radical politics, the future of Europe and the politics of artistic practices. She shows that in many circumstances where no alternatives seem possible, agonistics offers a new road map for change. (...) Engaging with cosmopolitanism, post-operaism, and theories of multiple modernities she argues in favor of a multipolar world with a real cultural and political pluralism. -- Publisher's website. (shrink)

The entry into force in Quebec of the law regulating medical assistance in dying seems to have revived discussions on the concept of conscientious objection (CO) among health professionals. In order to better understand this concept, an integrative review of 39 articles, both national and international, was carried out. To be considered for this review, the articles had to include a definition of CO and at least one criterion justifying its acceptability, or not, in the Western context of care. A (...) theoretical representation of the data extracted from the articles was developed by an inductive thematic process. This representation, which illustrates CO and its criteria of acceptability in the health field, is articulated in relation to four interconnected poles. Two of these poles, care and professional competence, underlie the very definition of CO since without one or the other, the latter cannot exist. The other two poles, collective and individual, convey the values and powers involved when it comes to CO in a healthcare context. The interaction between these four poles illustrates the criteria of acceptability or non-acceptability of CO. This representation of CO thus makes possible a dynamic view of CO and has the advantage of being adaptable to various types and contexts of care, beyond medical assistance in dying. It also offers a theoretical basis for further exploration of this concept. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to provide an addendum to a paper by Rose with the same title which has appeared in an earlier issue of this Journal [2]. Our new result is: Theorem. A ring of characteristic zero which admits elimination of quantifiers in the language {0, 1, +, ·} is an algebraically closed field.

In this article, I suggest that the challenge of the Anthropocene is an ontological challenge arising from modern humans’ abstraction from our environment, rooted in the substance ontology of Euro-Cartesian metaphysics. By comparative philosophical analysis of the cosmological foundations of the San Bushmen’s ontology in southern Africa, this article suggests that being rooted in hunter-gatherer metaphysics is a key component of our species' ability to symbiotically adapt by fostering the relational practice of ontological ambiguity, fluidity, and mutability that facilitates a (...) process of transspecies becoming. Through both animistic and European philosophical perspectives, I suggest that the posthumanist practice of becoming by process of ontological flux reinforces an Earth-centered epistemology that can assist postmodern humans in transitioning from an ontological impasse that has resulted in environmental fragmentation to a relational ontology that re-establishes an ecological web of transspecies kinship. (shrink)

The development of the new means of communication and the overwhelming presence of the media in all realms of life represent a challenge for democratic politics. In this presentation I want to argue that such a challenge can only be grasped and met by discarding the rationalist perspective dominant in liberal democratic political thought. Indeed, such a perspective impedes us from acknowledging the nature of the political struggle and the centrality of symbols in the construction of political identities.As the recent (...) growth of right-wing populist movements testifies, new political identities are currently being created and there is no doubt that the media are playing an important role in their diffusion. It would be a serious mistake however to present the media as the main culprit, and to see such movements as a consequence of `media politics'. The success of those movements would not be possible without a political rhetoric that managed to mobilize a wide range of signifiers. Had it not been able to articulate those signifiers into a chain of equivalence against the existing order, right-wing populism could not have made such important inroads in several European countries.From a theoretical point of view, what this reveals is the utter irrelevance of the rationalist approach to politics and the importance of the so-called `post-modern approach'. It shows that, despite what authors like Habermas pretend, the critique of Enlightenment rationalism does not constitute a threat to the modern democratic project. On the contrary, it is only by taking account of such a critique that it is possible to defend and deepen democratic institutions. If there is anything that endangers democracy nowadays, it is precisely the rationalist approach, because it is blind to the nature of the political and denies the central role that passions play in the field of politics. Only by drawing out all the implications of the critique of essentialism will it be possible to understand the process of construction of collective political identities and their discursive mode of articulation. (shrink)

Interroger le futur n'est pas une préoccupation nouvelle pour la philosophie. En effet, un certain nombre de philosophies qui sont parfois des sagesses, se sont questionnées sur cette dimension de la temporalité, en lui accordant une fonction existentielle fondamentale, autant pour la reconnaître comme anticipation et prudence ou alors pour lui donner une place juste et limitée : vivre au présent en cessant de se projeter à l'excès dans la dimension de l'à venir. Jouir du présent épargne de l...

In philosophy, or in philosophy of the continental kind, “1968” has come to represent a specific type of thinking. Or, rather, it has come to mark the decline of one type of theorizing in favor of another, namely, the kind that is suspicious of all-embracing theories.1 Though the philosophers associated with the Paris upheavals are figures like Jean-Paul Sartre and Herbert Marcuse, around the same time several thinkers entered onto the stage (such as Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida, and Jean-François Lyotard) (...) who were to make an entire career out of undermining the theoretical constructions of their predecessors. These then up-and-coming…. (shrink)

L'ouvrage présenté ici a pour but de faire connaître la philosophie de Simone Weil, ainsi que les différentes facettes de son personnage, si lié à l'oeuvre elle-même. Les différents contributeurs auxquels nous avons fait appel sont tous des spécialistes de la philosophe, de plusieurs nationalités, et les plus éminents y figurent. Les responsables des Cahiers Simone Weil y sont naturellement bien représentés. Les aspects divers de la pensée de Simone Weil ont été ordonnés de façon à commencer par le coeur (...) – la philosophie – pour aller ensuite à la morale puis à la politique et à l'histoire, et enfin à l'approfondissement religieux et mystique. Les derniers chapitres insistent sur quelques perspectives plus particulières. Nous espérons ainsi offrir au lecteur un aperçu à la fois riche et pluriel de celle qui fut l'une des grandes philosophes du XXe siècle français. (shrink)

Communism or Radical Democracy ? It is the very idea of Communism that is to be questioned, insofar as it implies an anti-political view of society whereby all antagonisms would eventually be ruled out, and in which domination, the State, and all the other regulating institutions would be deprived of any relevance. Clearly, social divisions and antagonisms are socially constitutive. They demand or aspire to hegemonic order. In consequence, the substance of emancipation does not consist in reconciliation but in a (...) radical democracy, in the extension of democratic struggle to ever larger social fields. (shrink)

Chantal Mouffe, in her contribution “Which world order: Cosmopolitan or multipolar?”, argues that the universality of democracy and human rights, as we understand them, is all too often taken for granted. Western politicians and political thinkers alike see it as an all-or-nothing matter: democracy and human rights are to be literally adopted, in the very same way as they are known in Western Europe or North America. All deviations from this model are by definition morally suspect. They thereby overlook (...) the fact that other societies might have developed institutions that are dissimilar to the ones we know, but that are similar in the degree to which they respect human dignity and create social justice. In other words, they fail to imagine that the “good regime” might come in different forms and versions. (shrink)

Entretien réalisé par Chantale Mailhot avec Madeleine Akrich, ingénieure et sociologue, créatrice du cours « Controverses environnementales », et avec Liliana Doganova, chargée de recherche, cofondatrice – avec Brice Laurent, également chargé de recherche et ingénieur au corps des mines – de l’option « Affaires publiques et Innovation » à l’École des Mines de Paris.

This paper is part of a larger project defending of the foundations of microeconomics against recent criticisms by philosophers. Here, we undermine one source of these criticisms, arising from philosophers' disappointment with the performance of microeconomic tools, in particular game theory, when these are applied to normative decision theory. Hollis and Sugden have recently articulated such disappointment in a sophisticated way, and have argued on the basis of it that the economic conception of rationality is inadequate. We argue, however, that (...) their claim rests upon a misunderstanding of the concept of a game as it is used in microeconomics. (shrink)

This article brings to the fore the shortcomings of the type of pluralism advocated by John Rawls both in Political Liberalism and in The Law of Peoples. It is argued that by postulating that the discrimination between what is and what is not legitimate is dictated by rationality and morality, Rawls’s approach forecloses recognition of the properly political moment. Exclusions are presented as being justified by reason and the antagonistic dimension of politics is not acknowledged. This article also takes issue (...) with Rawls’s ‘realistic utopia’, asserting that despite the reference to ‘decent’ hierarchical societies, it amounts to a universalization of the western liberal model. (shrink)

While Cavell is well known for his reinterpretation of the later Wittgenstein, he has never really engaged himself with post-Investigations writings like On Certainty. This collection may, however, seem to undermine the profoundly anti-dogmatic reading of Wittgenstein that Cavell has developed. In addition to apparently arguing against what Cavell calls ‘the truth of skepticism’ – a phrase contested by other Wittgensteinians – On Certainty may seem to justify the rejection of whoever dares to question one’s basic presuppositions. According to On (...) Certainty, or so it seems, the only right response to someone with different certainties is a reproach like ‘Fool!’ or ‘Heretic!’. This article aims to show that On Certainty need not be taken to prove Cavell wrong. It explains that Wittgenstein, in line with the first two parts of The Claim of Reason, does not reject scepticism out of hand but rather questions the sceptic’s self-understanding. Using arguments from Part Three of The Claim, the article moreover argues that a confrontation with divergence calls for self-examination rather than self-righteousness. Precisely because Wittgenstein acknowledges ‘the groundlessness of our believing’ or, in Cavellian terms, ‘the truth of skepticism’, he is not the authoritarian thinker that some have taken him to be. (shrink)

L'auteure montre d'abord que la responsabilité des magistrats ne peut être dissociée de leur indépendance et de leur protection. Elle expose ensuite les différentes mesures de renforcement de la déontologie mises en place par le Conseil supérieur de la magistrature et la Cour de cassation. Elle conclut en rappelant que la responsabilité du juge est intérieure et prend sa source dans un travail du juge sur lui-même.

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